The  Granger  Movement  in  111 


UNIVERSITY  OF 

ILLINOIS  LIBRARY 

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Vol.  II 


SEPTEMBER  15,  1904 


No.  2 


Published  Fortnightly  by  the  University  and  entered  at  Urbana,  Illinois,  as  second-class  matter 


Vol.  I 


SEPTEMBER,  1904 


No.  8 


The  Granger  Movement  In  Illinois 


By 


A.  E.  PAINE,  A.  M. 


PRICE   35    CENTS 


SHntoeraitp 
SJtbana 


ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  SURVEY 


COPYRIGHT,  SEPTEMBER  1904, 
BY  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS. 


®ntoersitj>  of  flltnois 


Vol.  I  SEPTEMBER,  1904  No.  8 


>tubie0 


The  Granger  Movement  In  Illinois 


By 
A.  E.  PAINE,  A.  M. 


PRICE    35    CENTS 


33nitoerfiiit|> 
SSrbana 


THE  GRANGER  MOVEMENT  IN  ILLINOIS. 
1.     Introductory: — The  Rise  of  the  Grange. 

Of  all  the  organizations  that  have  flourished  among  farmers 
since  the  middle  of  the  last  century,  none,  from  a  social  and 
economic  standpoint,  has  equaled  in  importance  the  Patrons  of 
Husbandry,  more  commonly  known  as  the  Grange.  Although 
its  immediate  organization  displays  some  peculiarities,  it  was 
the  outgrowth  of  natural  conditions,  and  its  promoters  had  a 
mine  of  experience  on  which  to  draw  in  order  to  establish  it  on 
a  solid  basis.  For  even  the  farming  class,  though  poorly  situ- 
ated for  organization,  had  societies  more  than  one  hundred 
years  old. 

The  new  order  came  into  being  shortly  after  the  Civil  War. 
It  was  a  favorable  time  for  such  a  movement.  For  two  decades  a 
feeling  of  dissatisfaction  had  been,spreading  among  the  farmers. 
For  a  time  it  had  found  sufficient  expression  in  the  political  agi- 
tation against  slavery,  but  otherwise  had  played  no  important 
part  in  the  economic  growth  of  the  nation.  It  was  temporarily 
overshadowed  by  more  vital  questions,  but  gained  new  life  in 
the  west  as  railroad  building  progressed  and  increasing  migra- 
tion brought  about  more  extensive  competition  among  the  farm- 
ers. This  competition  lowered  the  prices  of  their  products, 
while  at  the  same  time  their  purchases  had  to  be  made  at  ex- 
orbitant prices.  They  were  at  the  mercy  of  the  middlemen, 
whom  they  were  unable  to  oppose  successfully  owing  to  lack  of 
organization,  and  because  their  own  inertia  had  prevented  them 
from  undertaking  to  deal  directly  with  the  manufacturers. 

The  motives  of  the  middlemen  were  not  entirely  selfish. 
That  their  operations  brought  injury  to  the  farmer  was  rather 
their  misfortune  than  their  fault.  They  found  the  farmers 
poorly  supplied  with  cash  and  were  forced  to  sell  on  credit. 

[335] 


In  this  way  a  system  of  credit  grew  up  which  enabled  the  mid- 
dlemen to  hold  the  farmers'  trade  even  though  charging  high 
rates  for  the  supplies  which  they  furnished.1 

The  railroads,  too,  were  a  source  of  irritation.  At  the  be- 
ginning of  the  era  of  construction  in  the  West  the  people  were 
friendly  to  the  railroads.  Railroad  building  in  the  east  and  the 
opening  of  through  lines  of  transportation  in  the  few  years  be- 
fore the  war  opened  new  markets  for  the  western  farmer  and 
increased  the  demand  for  agricultural  products.  However,  dis- 
criminations, high  rates  with  their  accompanying  phenomenon 
of  stock  watering,  and  the  attitude  which  the  railroad  man- 
agers assumed  toward  the  shippers,  together  with  a  succession 
of  sharp  practices,  gradually  aroused  the  public  and  led  to  or- 
ganized opposition. 

Hostility  to  the  middlemen  and  fear  of  the  railroads  were 
the  main  causes  of  the  movement  among  the  western  farmers 
towards  organization.  In  other  sections  of  the  country  addi- 
tional causes  operated  to  produce  a  like  result.  The  farmers  of 
the  south  had  been  left  in  an  unfortunate  condition  as  a  result 
of  the  Civil  War.  If  we  add  to  these  causes  of  discontent,  the 
general  feeling  of  unrest  commonly  prevalent  among  the  tillers 
of  the  soil,  we  have  a  sufficient  explanation  of  the  causes  of  the 
widespread  movement  among  the  farming  classes,  which  result- 
ed in  the  organization  of  the  Patrons  of  Husbandry. 

Such  were  the  conditions  when  Oliver  Hudson  Kelley,  a 
clerk  in  the  Agricultural  Department  at  Washington,  was  sent 
through  several  of  the  southern  states  on  public  business.  Im- 
pressed by  the  unfortunate  condition  of  the  people,  appreciating 
the  power  of  united  action,  and  seeing  that  there  was  no  com- 
prehensive organization  of  farmers,  he  began  to  plan  the  forma- 
tion of  such  a  combination  as  should  unite  in  one  body  the  great 
mass  of  farmers  throughout  the  country.  Upon  his  return  to 
Washington,  April  21,  1867,  he  enlisted  the  sympathy  of  a  few 
friends  who  were  interested  in  agricultural  matters,  and,  resign- 

1  Cf.  M.  B.  Hammond,  The  Cotton  Industry  in  the   United   S.tates— ch.    V,   on 
Agricultural  Credit.     (Amer.  Econ.  Public.  New  Series,  No.  i.) 

[336] 


ing  his  position  under  the  government,  he  devoted  his  time  to 
planning  such  an  organization  and  to  perfecting  for  its  use  a 
"ritual  of  four  degrees  for  men  and  four  for  women,  unsurpassed, 
in  my  judgment,  in  the  English  language,  for  originality  of 
thought,  beauty  of  diction  and  purity  of  sentiment."1  It  is  a 
ritual  well  calculated  to  exalt  the  occupation  of  the  farmer  in 
the  minds  of  members.  Kelley  being  a  Mason,  Masonic  methods 
were  copied  extensively  by  the  new  order.  As  first  organized 
the  four  degrees  for  men  were,  Laborer,  Cultivator,  Harvester, 
Husbandman.  A  lady  friend  of  Kelley's  suggested  that  women 
be  admitted  to  the  order  with  corresponding  degrees.  The  sug- 
gestion was  acted  upon  and  thus,  almost  by  chance,  a  feature 
was  adopted  which  added  much  to  the  influence  of  the  Grange. 
The  four  degrees  for  women  at  the  beginning  were,  Maid,  Shep- 
herdess, Gleaner,  and  Matron.  Other  degrees,  open  to  both 
men  and  women,  were  added  as  occasion  demanded.  The  fifth 
degree,  Pomona  (Hope),  is  composed  of  Masters  of  subordinate 
granges  and  their  wives  who  are  Matrons.  Past  Masters  and 
their  wives  who  are  Matrons  are  honorary  members  and  eli- 
gible to  office  but  not  entitled  to  vote.  Flora  (Charity),  is  the 
name  of  the  sixth  degree.  It  is  composed  of  the  Masters  of  state 
granges  and  their  wives  who  have  taken  the  degree  Pomona.  Past 
Masters  of  state  granges  who  have  taken  the  degree  Pomona 
are  honorary  members  and  eligible  to  office  but  not  entitled  to 
vote.  The  seventh  and  highest  degree  is  Ceres  (Faith).  Mem- 
bers of  the  National  Grange  who  have  served  one  year  therein 
may  become  members  of  this  degree  on  application  and  election. 
The  secret  work  of  the  order  is  under  the  charge  of  the  members 
of  this  degree,  who  also  sit  as  a  court  in  all  cases  of  impeachment 
of  officers  of  the  National  Grange.  Members  of  this  degree  are 
honorary  members  of  the  National  Grange  and  are  eligible  to 
office  therein  but  are  not  entitled  to  vote. 

Several  months  were  spent  upon  the  constitution  and  ritu- 
al, and  on  December  4,  1867,  the  National  Grange  of  the  order 

1  D.  W.  Aiken,    The  Grange — Its  Origin,  Progress   and  Purposes,  Special  Re- 
port 2,  Misc.  Ser.  U.  S.  Dept.  of  Agric.  pp.  55-64. 

3337] 


Patrons  of  Husbandry  was  established  at  Washington  with  a 
membership  of  seven,  "made  up",  as  a  writer  for  the  Popular 
Science  Monthly  has  put  it  rather  sarcastically,  "of  one  fruit 
grower  and  six  government  clerks,  equally  distributed  among 
the  Post  Office,  Treasury  and  Agricultural  Departments,"1 

The  officers  were  elected  for  a  term  of  five  years.2  For  two 
years  there  were  no  additions  to  membership,  and  a  full  attend- 
ance of  the  original  members  was  not  always  secured  at  the 
annual  meeting.  Indeed,  at  the  third  annual  session,  Worthy 
Master  Saunders  delivered  his  annual  address  in  the  presence 
of  Secretary  Kelley,  his  entire  audience,  and  when  through, 
asked  the  privilege  of  printing  the  same  in  the  next  morning's 
papers  that  each  might  buy  some  to  distribute.3  At  the  fifth 
annual  session  of  the  National  Grange  the  original  seven  mem- 
bers were  reinforced  by  the  Grand  Master  of  the  Iowa  State 
Grange,  Dudley  W,  Adams. 

Immediately  after  the  organization  of  the  National  Grange, 
steps  were  taken  to  organize  subordinate  granges,  and  the  ter- 
ritory selected  for  the  first  effort  was  the  state  of  Minnesota. 
Accordingly,  Mr.  Kelley  left  Washington  April  1st,  1868,  for 
the  accomplishment  of  this  purpose.  At  this  time  the  Grange 
was  $150  in  debt,  but  Kelley  was  to  receive  a  salary  of  $2,000  a 
year  besides  his  expenses,  provided  his  receipts  aggregated  that 
amount.  On  his  way  westward  he  organized  granges  succes- 
sively at  Harrisburg,  Fredonia,  Cincinnati,  and  Chicago.  The 
Chicago  Grange,  which  was  the  first  in  Illinois,  was  organized 
in  the  office  of  the  Prairie  Farmer,  in  the  latter  part  of  April. 
From  Chicago  Kelley  went  to  Minnesota  where  he  succeeded  in 
organizing  a  half  a  dozen  granges  by  the  close  of  the  year.  The 

1  Charles  W.  Pierson,  "Rise  of  the  Granger  Movement",  Pop.  Sci.  Mo.,  vol.  32 
p  199.  The  members  were  Wm.  M.  Ireland  and  O.  H.  Kelley  (recently  trans- 
ferred from  the  Agricultural  Dept.)  of  P.  O.  Dept.,  J.  R.  Thompson  and  Rev.  John 
Trimble  of  the  Treasury  Dept.,  Wm.  Saunders  and  Rev.  A.  B.  Grosh  of  the  Agricul- 
tural Dept.,  and  F.  M.  McDowell,  a  vineyardist  of  Wayne,  New  York. 

2  Saunders,  Master;  Thompson,  Lecturer;  Ireland,   Treasurer;  Kelley,  Secre- 
tary.— Special  Report  2,  Misc.  Ser.  U.  S.  Dept.  of  Agric.  p.  57. 
8  Special  Report  etc.,  2,  p.  58. 

[338] 


Minnesota  State  Grange  was  organized  on  February  23rd,  1869. 
In  Iowa,  in  1869,  he  was  still  more  successful,  but  the  Iowa 
State  Grange  was  not  organized  until  January  12th,  1871.  No 
charters  were  issued  to  a  sub-grange  unless  at  least  nine  men 
and  four  women  were  pledged  as  members,  while  the  number 
of  charter  members  was  limited  to  thirty,  at  least  ten  of  whom 
must  be  women.  The  initiation  fee  seems  to  have  varied  some- 
what from  time  to  time,  but  for  the  charter  members  was  usu- 
ally abou«t  three  dollars  for  men  and  fifty  cents  for  women. 
Men  who  joined  later  paid  four  to  five  dollars,  and  women  two 
to  three  dollars,  as  a  membership  fee.  The  order  grew  slowly 
for  several  years.  At  the  close  of  1871  the  secretary  was  able 
to  report  that  the  increase  in  membership  had  been  four  times 
as  great  in  that  year  as  in  the  year  preceding.  After  1871  the 
growth  was  more  rapid  and  at  the  sixth  annual  session,  Janu- 
ary 8,  1873,  delegates  were  present  from  eleven  states.  Four  of 
these  delegates  were  women.  There  were  at  this  time  twenty- 
three  state  granges.1  During  the  year  1872  1,074  subordinate 
granges  were  organized,  making,  altogether,  about  1,300.  The 
next  two  years  saw  a  still  more  rapid  growth,  8,668  being  added 
in  1873,  and  11,941  in  1874,  making  a  total  of  22,000  granges 
with  an  average  membership  of  a  little  over  30.2  The  grange 
was  prospering,  the  treasury  was  full  and  there  was  a  rush  for 
membership.  A  feverish  activity  seemed  to  pervade  the  order. 
No  undertakings  were  too  big,  no  enterprises  too  grand,  to  be 
attempted.  One  in  particular,  carried  on  during  its  period  of 
greatest  activity,3  but  later  given  up  on  account  of  the  expense, 
was  of  considerable  importance.  This  was  its  system  of  month- 
ly crop  reports.4  Blanks  were  sent  from  the  office  of  the  secre- 
tary to  each  of  the  subordinate  granges  in  time  to  reach  the 
local  grange  before  its  meeting,  the  first  week  in  each  month. 
The  secretary  of  the  subordinate  grange  was  then  enabled  to 

1  Special  Report,  etc.  2,  p.  58 

2  Prairie  Farmer,  Mar.  31,  1877. 

3  Commenced  in  May  or  June,  1872.     See  Prairie  Farmer,  May  18,  1872. 

4  Special  Report  etc, ,2,  p.  62. 

[339] 


8 

obtain  the  necessary  data  and  return  the  required  information. 
On  the  basis  of  these  replies,  the  reports  were  compiled  by  the 
fifteenth  of  each  month.  In  this  way  the  Grange  bulletins  were 
issued  before  those  of  the  Department  of  Agriculture  and  are 
said  to  have  been  more  reliable.1  This  and  other  accomplish- 
ments gave  a  prestige  to  the  order,  so  that  newspapers  and  poli- 
ticians became  interested  in  it  and  the  Grange  became  a  factor 
in  politics. 

The  inevitable  reaction  was  not  long  in  coming.  The  mem- 
bership declined,  the  activity  decreased.  Various  reasons  were 
assigned  for  the  decline.  It  is  said  that  the  Grange  lacked  a 
well  defined  purpose,  that  its  energies  were  scattered,  that  it  was 
unable  to  accomplish  its  undertakings  and  that  in  consequence, 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  members  subsided.  While  such  an  hy- 
pothesis affords  a  partial  explanation,  it  does  not  accurately  or 
fully  describe  the  conditions.  The  Grange  did  have  definite 
objects,  which,  however,  varied  from  time  to  time.  By  the 
founders  and  earliest  members  the  social  and  educational  feat- 
ures were  emphasized.  They  desired  to  bring  together  the 
farmers  and  their  families  and  to  develop  through  this  acquaint- 
anceship that  fraternal  feeling  so  notoriously  lacking  among 
them.  They  aimed,  moreover,  to  bring  about  a  more  intelligent 
and  scientific  cultivation  of  the  soil. 

The  success  of  the  movement,  however,  soon  attracted 
idealists  and  disgruntled  politicians,  who  came  into  it  masked 
as  farmers,  each  with  his  own  plan  for  revolutionizing  the 
world.  The  grangers,  confident  because  of  what  they  had  ac- 
complished, were  ready  to  undertake  new  plans  even  though  in 
the  main  they  were  visionary.  As  a  consequence  gigantic 
schemes  of  co-operation  in  buying  and  selling  were  undertaken 
and  entrusted  to  inexperienced  men.  Partly  because  of  over- 
confidence  and  mismanagement,  partly  because  of  the  opposi- 
tion of  the  middlemen,  almost  every  attempt  of  this  kind  re- 
sulted in  financial  loss.  These  failures  not  only  caused  loss  to 

1  Special  Report,  etc.  2,  p.62.   Cf.  "The  Grange  reports  were  costly  and  often  un- 
reliable but  had  proved  valuable."    C.  W.  Pierson  Pop.  Sci.  Mo.  32:  369. 

[340] 


those  immediately  interested  but  also  discredited  the  whole 
movement  in  the  eyes  of  the  public. 

Moreover,  undue  political  activity,  partisan  expressions  on 
the  tariff  and  currency,1  together  with  radical  and  sometimes 
unwise  railroad  legislation,  gradually  brought  about  internal 
dissension.  The  farmer  was  inclined  to  place  too  much  depend- 
ence on  legislation  and  too  little  on  self-help  to  accomplish  the 
desired  ends.  Of  course  he  did  not  grow  rich  immediately.  In 
fact  there  was  little  sign  of  improvement  in  his  condition.  He 
was  disappointed  with  the  outcome  and  ignorant  of  the  reason 
for  the  failure  of  his  plans  ;  and  seeing  no  prospect  of  securing 
more  favorable  results,  he  soon  lost  hope. 

The  discontent  which  had  been  growing  for  several  years 
came  to  a  head  at  the  meeting  held  at  Charleston,  S.  C.,  early 
in  1875.  At  this  meeting  every  State  Grange  was  represented, 
sixty-six  members  being  present.  There  was  heated  discussion 
on  several  matters,  but  the  contest  found  its  chief  expression  on 
the  financial  methods  of  the  National  Grange,  which  by  means 
of  fees  had  accumulated  thousands  of  dollars  and  had  paid 
rather  extravagant  salaries  to  its  officers.2  At  the  end  of  the 
discussion  it  was  voted  to  distribute  the  funds  of  the  Grange 
among  the  subordinate  granges  in  good  standing.  Accordingly 
about  $50,000  was  distributed,  or  about  $2.50  for  each  grange.3 
Internal  dissension  increased  during  the  next  few  years,  many 
who  had  joined  in  the  stirring  days  of  1873  and  1874  withdrew 
from  membership/and  many  granges  discontinued  their  meet- 
ings entirely.  As  there  was  less  agricultural  discontent  in  the 
country  at  this  time  few  granges  were  organized.  The  receipts 
of  the  National  Grange  fell  oft'  and  the  salaries  of  the  officers 


1  Pop.  Sci.  Mo.   32:373.     Prairie   Farmer,   May  9,    1874;  Feb.  2,    1878;    Oct.    19, 
1878.     See  also  Proceedings  of  a  Convention   of   Farmers  held  at  Bloomington   Oct. 
16-17,  1872. 

2  Master,  $2,000  per  year;  Secretary,  $2,500  per  year. — Pop.  Sci.  Mo.  32:372. 

3  Prairie  Farmer  Feb.  20,  1875.    Pop.  Sci.  Mo.  32:372. 

[34i] 


10 

had  to  be  reduced.1  Politicians  showed  less  interest  and  the 
space  devoted  to  grange  topics  in  the  newspapers  gradually  de- 
creased. However,  although  the  number  of  granges  had  de- 
creased, the  average  membership  per  grange  had  increased  from 
31^  to  40.2  By  1880  those  who  had  joined  the  Grange  for  any 
other  purpose  than  the  objects  stated  in  its  constitution  had, 
for  the  most  part,  withdrawn,  and  the  decline  in  membership 
seems  to  have  stopped.  At  the  same  time  the  political  agita- 
tion within  the  Grange  came  to  an  end  and  its  efforts  were  de- 
voted more  and  more  to  the  fulfillment  of  its  original  aims. 
From  this  time  a  revival  of  interest  may  be  noted,  more  es- 
pecially in  the  New  England  States.  At  the  meeting  in  Topeka 
in  1888,  thirty-six  states  reported,  and  thirty  were  represented. 
By  1889  the  total  membership  had  increased  to  150,000  and  the 
annual  reports  for  the  last  few  years  show  indications  of  a 
healthy  growth. 

2.     The  Illinois  Grange:    Its  Organization  and  Growth. 

The  movement  in  Illinois  was  similar  to  that  in  other 
states.  As  already  stated,  Mr.  Kelley,  the  founder  of  the  na- 
tional order,  organized  the  first  grange  in  the  state  in  the  latter 
part  of  April,  1868,  in  the  office  of  the  Prairie  Farmer.  The 
number  of  granges  organized  each  year  for  the  eight  succeed- 
ing years  is  as  follows:3 

In  1869....     2  In  1873....   761 

In  1870....     1  In  1874....   704 

In  1871....     5  In  1875....     50 

In  1872....  69  In  1876....     27 

Up  to  October  13, 1898,  altogether  one  thousand  seven  hun- 
dred and  twrenty-two  subordinate  granges  had  been  organized, 

1  Secretary,  $2,500  to  $2,000,  Master,  $2,000  to  $1,200.  Later:  Master,  $1,200  to 
$1,000;  Treasurer,  $600  to  $500;  Secretary,  $2,ooc  to  $1,500.  In  1879,  that  of  the  Master 
was  reduced  to  nothing,  that  of  the  Secretary  to  $600. — Pop.  Sci.  Mo.  32:372,  373  and 
Prairie  Farmer  Jan.  12,  1878. 

-  Prairie  Farmer. 

*  These   figures   were   furnished  by   the  Secretary  of  the  State  Grange,  Thos. 
Keady,  Dunlap,  111, 

[342] 


11 

in  one  hundred  and  one  counties  of  the  state,  with  Pomona,  or 
county,  granges  in  most  of  the  counties.  These  sub-granges 
meet  weekly,  and  the  Pomona  granges  quarterly  or  monthly. 

The  State  Grange  was  organized  Mar.  5,  1872.  and  meets 
yearly.  It  is  made  up  of  delegates  from  the  sub-granges  and 
the  Pomona  granges.  The  first  Grand  Master  was  Alonzo  Gol- 
der  of  Whiteside  county.  His  successors  in  office  were  A.  P. 
Forsyth,  of  Edgar  county,  E.  A.  Giller  of  Green  county,  J.  M. 
Thompson  of  Will  county,  and  Oliver  Wilson  of  Putnam  coun- 
ty, who  now  occupies  the  position. 

From  the  figures  given  it  is  evident  that  the'  palmy  days  of 
grange  activity  in  Illinois  were  in  the  years  1873  and  '74,  dur- 
ing which  five-sixths  of  the  total  number  of  granges  in  the  state 
were  organized.  From  various  causes  the  next  few  years  saw 
a  rapid  decline  in  numerical  strength.  The  large  corn  crops  of 
1871-73  filled  every  crib  and  available  store-house  to  overflowing. 
Prices  fell  and  freight  rates  rose,  until  five  or  six  bushels  of  grain 
were  required  to  get  one  bushel  to  New  York  City.  The  average 
local  price  of  corn  in  Illinois  in  December,  1872,  was  only  twen- 
ty-four cents  a  bushel,1  and  there  is  good  reason  to  believe  that 
it  fell  as  low  as  fifteen  cents  a  bushel  in  some  localities.  It  be- 
came more  profitable  to  use  corn  for  fuel  than  to  sell  it.2  A 
general  money  stringency  ensued,  culminating  in  the  panic  of 
1873.  The  depression  was  continued  by  the  unusually  large 
crop  of  wheat  in  1873-4,3  which  helped  to  overstock  the  market 

1  Monthly  Reports  of  the  Dept.  of  Agriculture  for  the  year  1872,  p.  470. 

2  Statement   of  Mr.   Jos.  B.  Carter,   Supt.   Champaign,  111.,  Schools.     Also    Pop- 
Sci.  Mo.,  32:203. 

3  The  crops  of  corn  and  wheat  for  several  years  were  : 

CORN. 

Year.  Bushels.  Value. 

1870 1,094,255,000 $540,520,456 

1871 091,898,000 430,355,210 

1872 1,092,719,000 385,736,210 

WHEAT. 

1870 233,884,700 $288,766,969 

1871 230,722,400 264,075,851 

1872 249,997,100 278,522,068 

1873 281,264,700 300.669,533 

1874 308,102,700 265,881,167 

Year  Book,  Dept.  of  Agric.  1897, 

[343] 


12 

with  bread  stuffs,  bring  down  their  prices,  and  increase  the  pro- 
portion of  the  product  required  to  pay  the  cost  of  transporta- 
tion. In  the  meantime  the  railroad  law  of  1871,  against  dis- 
criminations in  freight  rates,  was  declared  unconstitutional.1 
The  farmer  was  inclined  to  blame  the  railroad  management  for 
all  his  troubles,  which  were  by  no  means  light.  The  Credit 
Mobilier  lent  added  cause  for  his  fault  rinding.  The  grange  or- 
ganizers, whose  salaries  depended  upon  the  number  of  granges 
formed,  no  doubt  fomented  the  discontent  and  urged  the  for- 
mation of  granges  as  a  panacea  for  all  ills.  Thus,  many  who 
had  no  real  comprehension  of  the  principles  of  the  Grange 
joined  the  organization  in  their  vague  search  for  a  remedy  for 
their  discontent. 

At  first  Iowa  and  Illinois  took  the  lead  in  the  Grange 
movement.  Illinois  never  held  first  place  either  in  the  number 
of  subordinate  granges  or  in  the  number  of  individual  members; 
but  on  June  25,  1873,  she  stood  second,  with  517  subordinate 
granges,  Iowa  being  first.2  Before  Nov.  15  of  the  same  year,  Illi- 
nois had  yielded  second  place  to  Kansas.  The  number  of  granges 
in  Illinois  had  increased,  however,  to  712,3  and  there  was  much 
enthusiasm,  especially  in  the  northern  part  of  the  state.  At  the 
December  meeting  of  the  State  Grange  seven  hundred  and  fifty 
Masters  of  subordinate  granges  were  present,  and  it  was  estim- 
ated that  there  were  eight  hundred  granges  in  the  state.  The  work 
of  organization  was  energetically  pushed  during  the  following 
year  and  the  number  of  granges  in  the  state  nearly  doubled. 
Still,  at  the  close  of  the  year,  Illinois  was  surpassed  by  three 
states,  Missouri,  Iowa  and  Indiana.*  The  number  of  granges  in 
the  country  had  increased  to  21,208,  of  which  Illinois  had  1,522. 5 
Other  organizations  of  farmers  had  sprung  up  in  the  meantime, 
but  the  Grange,  not  only  because  it  was  a  secret  order  and  un- 

1  Report  of  R.  R.  &  W.  Commissioners  for  1873  gives  decision. 

2  Prairie  Farmer,  July  5,  1873. 
8  Ibid.,  Nov.  15,  1873. 

4  Ibid.,  Dec.  26,  1874. 
6  Ibid 

[344] 


13 

like  any  of  the  others,  but  also  on  account  of  the  energy  of  the 
officers,  and  its  excellent  discipline,  held  its  own  and  gained 
a  large  share  of  the  increase.  The  state  Grange  ante-dated  the 
State  Farmers'  Association  by  a  few  months,  but  there  were 
numerous  local  clubs  in  the  state  before  the  period  of  activity  in 
the  organization  of  sub-granges.1  It  was  Mr.  Kelley's  plan  to 
make  of  the  Grange  a  great  national  organization  under  whose 
banner  the  farmers  of  the  entire  country  should  combine  for 
mutual  advantage.  He  believed  and  preached  that  the  Grange 
was  the  best,  in  fact  the  only,  organization  adapted  to  securing 
the  good  of  the  farmer,  and  it  was  his  wish  that  all  farmers' 
clubs  should  reorganize  as  granges.  His  feeling  was  shared  by 
many  of  his  followers,  and  often  resulted  in  aggressive  action, 
which  in  many  cases  was  resented.  Thus  a  feeling  of  rivalry, 
and  even  hostility,  grew  up  between  the  granges  and  the  farm- 
ers' clubs.2  At  first  the  advantage  seemed  to  lie  with  the  grange. 
The  secrecy  of  the  order,  combined  with  its  excellent  organiza- 
tion, made  it  a  marked  body,  and  the  term  Grange  soon  came 
to  stand  for  the  farmers'  movement.  All  classes  were  eager  to 


1  Grange,  Mar.  5, 1872;  State  Farmers'  Association  Oct.  16,  1872. 

2  S.  M.  Smith,  the   Secretary  of  the  State   Farmers'  Association,  in  his  report  at 
the  annual  meeting  of  the  association  at  Decatur,  Dec.  16-18,  1873,  calls  attention  to 
the  jealousy  existing  between  clubs  and  granges.     He  gives  the  number  of  clubs  in 
the  state  as  820  and  the  number  of  granges  as  549.     He  complains  that  many  of  the 
granges  were  delinquent  in  the  payment  of  the  per  capita  tax  of  ten  cents  a  head, 
"acting  probably  under  instructions  from  those  in  authority".     He  attributes  this  ac- 
tion to  jealousy  on  the  part  of  the  Grange  and  implies  that  the  feeling  is  mutual.     He 
then  attempts  by  a  brief  survey  of  the  past  to  show  that  the  Grange  was  not  justified 
in  its  position,  pointing  out  that  at  the  first  convention  of  the  Farmers'  Association, 
which  was  held  at  Kewanee,  the  grangers  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  deliberations, 
and  nearly  one  half  ot  the  offices  of  the  Association  were  filled  by  them  ;  and  further- 
more, that  the  Bloomington  convention  in  January,   1873,    was  composed  largely  of 
grangers.     The  granges,  he  said,  had  been  well  treated  by  the  Association  and  should 
by  all  means  fulfill  their  obligations  to  it.     For  rivalry  of  such  a  nature  is  injurious 
to  the  cause  of  the  farmer,  and  both  organizations  are  needed,  since  they  are  very  dif- 
ferent in  character,  and  many  to  whom  one  organization  did  not  appeal  would  become 
enthusiastic  members  of  the  other. 


[345] 


join.  "Lawyers,  doctors,  merchants,  Shylocks  and  sharpers",1 
vied  with  one  another  in  exhibiting  their  knowledge  of  agricul- 
ture and  their  interest  in  agricultural  matters,  in  order  to  be- 
come grangers. 

The  Grange  apparently  held  an  enviable  position,  but  in 
its  very  prominence  lay  causes  for  its  downfall.  On  the  one 
hand  the  jealousy  between  it  and  other  farmers'  organizations 
gradually  grew  into  something  like  hostility,  diverted  its  atten- 
tion from  its  real  purpose,  and  weakened  its  effectiveness  as 
an  organization.  Moreover,  the  public,  as  a  rule,  blamed  the 
Grange  for  acts  of  violence  committed  by  the  farmers  and  for 
foolish  and  dangerous  legislation  passed  through  their  influ- 
ence, but  failed  to  credit  the  order  with  the  good  accomplished. 
Many  of  the  weaker  members  were  dismayed  by  criticism  and 
surrendered  their  membership.  Dissatisfaction  with  the  policy 
of  the  National  Grange,  or  with  the  forms  in  the  subordinate 
granges,  led  others  to  withdraw.  Some  were  convinced  that 
the  Grange  had  performed  its  mission  and  was  no  longer  need- 
ed ;  others  lost  interest  merely  because  the  order  had  become 
less  popular.  No  doubt  the  improvement  in  business  also  was 
favorable  to  apathy  on  the  part  of  the  Grange. 

For  these  reasons  a  decline  in  membership  began  in  1875. 
Many  new  granges  were  organized  during  that  and  the  follow- 
ing year,  but  still  more  were  allowed  to  lapse;  and  by  the  close 
of  1877  there  were  only  646  granges  in  the  state,  with  12,639 
members,  an  average  of  less  than  twenty  each.  Illinois  at  this 
time  ranked  7th  in  number  of  granges  and  14th  in  number  of 
members.2  The  lowest  point  which  the  Grange  has  touched 
since  the  "days  of  1873-4",  was  reached  in  1885,  when  there  were 
only  96  sub-granges  in  the  state.  Since  that  time  the  number 
has  varied  between  one  and  two  hundred,  there  being  in  October, 
1898,  one  hundred  and  twenty-nine  granges  in  forty-three 

1  Lawyers,  to  get  clients;  doctors,  to  get  patients;  merchants,  to  get  customers; 
Shylocks,  to  get  their  pound  of  flesh;  and  sharpers  to  catch  the  babes  from  the 
woods. — D.  W.  Aiken  in  Special  Report,  etc.,  2,  p.  61. 

*  Prairie  Farmer,  Dec.  8,  1877. 

[346] 


15 

counties.1  Numerically,  the  Grange  became  .weaker,  but,  re- 
lieved of  its  load  of  useless  freight,  it  has  continued  its  exist- 
ence, steadily  though  slowly  growing  stronger,  and  in  the  opin- 
ion of  the  Secretary  is  now  "stronger  in  real  effort  than  ever 
before."  Meanwhile,  the  Grange,  though  failing  to  accomplish 
all  that  many  of  its  enthusiastic  admirers  hoped,  certainly  has 
produced  some  results  of  much  importance,  especially  in  con- 
nection with  the  railroads. 

3.     The  Grange  and  the   Railroads. 

While  railroads  were  comparatively  new  in  this  section  of 
the  country,  the  advantages  to  be  derived  from  them  by  the 
farmers  were  over-estimated.  Extravagant  hopes  of  speedy 
riches  led  many  of  small  means,  as  well  as  some  in  comforta- 
ble circumstances,  to  move  to  the  newly  opened  prairies  of  the 
West.  Each  new  settlement  looked  forward  to  a  rapid  and 
continuous  numerical  growth  and  on  the  approach  of  a  new 
road  endeavored  to  bring  it  into  the  neighborhood.  Large  boun- 
ties were  offered  by  booming  towns  and  thriving  rural  commu- 
nities in  order  to  secure  a  road.  The  railroads  naturally  took 
advantage  of  the  rivalry  between  different  towns  to  make  exces- 
sive demands.  In  many  cases  towns  gave  promises  which  were 
hard  to  fulfill,  and  issued  bonds  to  an  amount  which  they  could 
ill  afford.  The  bonus  was  given  readily  and  at  the  time  was 
thought  to  be  a  good  investment.  But  the  donors  soon  learned 
that  the  railroads  were  by  no  means  charitable  organizations, 

1  The  annual  reports  for  the  four  years  ending  in  December,  1003,  show  a  total  in- 
crease during  that  time  of  26  granges  and  2,140  members;  5  new  granges  and  300 
new  members  are  reported  for  the  current  year  thus  far,  April  19,  1004.  The  report 
of  the  treasurer  in  December,  1903,  showed  the  amount  on  hand  to  be  $2,921.64.  The 
present  officers  are, — Master,  Oliver  Wilson,  Magnolia,  Putnam  Co. ;  Overseer,  W. 
J.  Miller,  St.  Clair  Co. ;  Lecturer,  G.  F.  Bell,  Lostant,  LaSalle  Co.  ;  Steward,  E.  S. 
Helms,  St.  Clair  Co.  ;  Asst.  Steward,  E.  R.  Simmons.  Jersey  Co. ;  Chaplain,  Mrs. 
Katherine  Stahl,  Madison  Co. ;  Treasurer.  D.  Q.  Trotter,  Jersey  Co. ;  Secretary, 
Miss  Jeannette  E.  Yeates,  Dunlap,  Peoria  Co.  ;  Gate  Keeper,  Eric  Lindstrom,  Henry 
Co. ;  Ceres,  Miss  Florence  A.  Given,  Putnam  Co. ;  Pomona,  Miss  Lela  M.  Eyerly, 
Fulton  Co. ;  Flora,  Miss  Mary  M.  Zoll,  Fulton  Co. ;  Lady  Steward,  Mrs.  L.  B.  Seiler, 
Wabash  Co.  Facts  furnished  by  ex-Secretary  Thomas  Keady,  Dunlap,  111. 

[347] 


16 

and  that  the  development  of  the  country  was  an  incident  rather 
than  a  motive  in  their  organization.  Stock-watering  was  com- 
monly practised,  with  its  accompanying  extortionate  rates.  Ac- 
curate figures,  showing  the  extent  to  which  this  practice  was 
carried,  are  hard  to  get,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  amount 
of  watered  stock  issued  frequently  equalled  or  exceeded  the 
paid  up  capital.1  The  farmers  soon  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
they  had  been  hoodwinked  by  the  railway  companies.  A  feel- 
ing of  resentment  was  created,  which  might  have  been  over- 
come and  even  destroyed  by  a  little  consideration  on  the  part 
of  the  roads  ;  but  the  latter  foolishly  disregarded  opportunities 
for  conciliation,  and  blindly  pursued  what  they  conceived  to  be 
their  own  interests.  Each  company  arranged  its  rates  with  a 
view  to  securing  as  large  a  share  of  the  traffic  as  possible.  This 
led  to  discriminations  of  two  sorts.8  In  the  first  place,  those 
points  fortunate  enough  to  have  two  or  more  competing  roads 
were  favored  with  very  low  rates,  so  low,  indeed,  as  to  bring  a 
loss  to  the  roads.  In  consequence,  they  sought  to  recoup  them- 
selves by  extortionate  charges  at  intermediate  points.  In  this 
way  it  frequently  happened  that  it  cost  more  to  ship  goods  100 
than  150  miles,  under  similar  circumstances,  on  the  same  road. 
Smaller  towns  having  but  one  road  were  thus  placed  at  a  great 
disadvantage.  It  became  necessary  for  such  towns  to  seek  the 
favor  of  the  roads,  since  an  arbitrary  use  of  the  power  of  dis- 
crimination might  render  a  business  profitable  at  one  place  and 
ruinous  at  another.  Indeed,  the  very  existence  of  towns  was 
placed  at  the  mercy  of  the  railroads.  Personal  discriminations 
were  also  made.  There  were  no  regular  tariffs,  and  every  cus- 
tomer had  to  make  his  own  bargain.  If  he  had  enough  influence 

1  No.  Am.  Rev.,  120:415;  Larrabee,  The  Railroad  Question,  172:247;  Cook, 
The  Corporation  Problem,  24ff.;  Second  Annual  Report  of  Interstate  Commerce 
Commission,  63;  Hadley,  Railroad  Transportation,  101-2;  Hudson,  The  Railroads 
and  the  Republic,  267-95;  Cowles,  262-3;  Stickney,  Railway  Problem,  196-201; 
Poor's  Manual,  1884. 

*  Hudson,  The  Railroads  and  the  Republic,  25-67;  Jeans,  Railway  Problems, 
519-524;  Hadley,  Railroad  Transportation,  100-125;  Alexander,  Railway  Practice,  5-23; 
Dabney,  Public  Regulation  of  Railways,  67-174;  Dixon,  State  R.  R.  Control^  48-77. 

[348] 


17 

to  secure  favorable  terms  he  possessed  a  decided  advantage 
over  others  with  less  weight,  or  who  had  incurred  the  displeas- 
ure of  the  roads.  These  discriminations  bore  heavily  upon  a 
large  number  of  people,  so  that  instead  of  securing  advantages 
by  the  proximity  of  a  road  they  were  frequently  placed  at  a 
disadvantage.  Then,  too,  the  railroad  charges  varied  from  year 
to  year.1  As  long  as  the  supply  of  agricultural  produce  was 
limited,  prices  remained  high  and  railroad  charges  fell.  But 
favorable  seasons  and  additional  producers  soon  increased  pro- 
duction. Prices  fell  and  at  the  same  time  the  roads  raised  their 
freight  rates,  expecting  to  have  all  the  freight  they  could  haul 
even  at  the  advanced  rate,  since  the  farmers,  having  more  grain 
than  could  be  consumed  on  the  farm,  rather  than  hold  their  crops 
for  higher  prices,  would  continue  to  market  them  so  long  as  the 
returns  were  sufficient  to  pay  the  cost  of  transportation.  Thus 
in  seeking  to  regulate  their  rates  so  as  to  charge  "what  the 
traffic  would  bear",  they  made  the  mistake  of  charging  what  it 
would  not  bear.  The  results  were  unfortunate  to  the  compa- 
nies and  distressing  to  the  farmers.  The  latter  thought  that 
they  were  being  robbed  by  the  railroads  and  watched  eagerly 
for  an  opportunity  to  retaliate.  Under  such  circumstances  it 
is  not  surprising  that  when  the  bonds  issued  by  counties,  towns, 
etc.,  in  payment  of  railroad  bounties,  fell  due,  there  should  be 
serious  opposition  to  their  payment  and  in  many  cases  absolute 
repudiation. 

Had  the  men  who  owned  the  railroads  been  western  men, 
men  who  were  in  sympathy  with  the  western  country,  men  who 
recognized  the  community  of  interest  between  themselves  and 
the  western  farmer,  their  actions  would  certainly  have  been 
very  different.  But  they  were  for  the  most  part,  residents  of 
the  eastern  states  and  England,2  and  were  ignorant  of  the  agri- 
cultural situation  in  the  West.  They  cared  little  for  the  West 
or  for  the  western  farmer,  and  failed  to  recognize  the  principle 
that  in  order  to  run  railroads  successfully  public  opinion  must 

1  Bulletin  No.  15  U.  S.  Dept.  of  Agriculture. 
*  C.  F.  Adams,  Jr.,  in  No.  Am.  Rev.,  120:398,  309,  400-402. 

[249] 


18 

not  be  antagonized.  While  the  railroads  took  this  view  of  the 
matter  it  was  not  strange  that  the  farmers  of  the  West  found 
cause  for  complaint  about  the  management. 

Aside  from  all  this  there  was  still  another  cause  for  com- 
plaint, in  the  insulting  treatment  which  patrons  of  the  roads  at 
times  received  at  the  hands  of  railroad  officials  and  employees. 
This  discourteous  attitude  assumed  by  the  officials  and  employ- 
ees is  well  set  forth  by  E.  W.  Martin  in  his  "History  of  the 
Granger  Movement".1  The  same  abuse  is  also  illustrated  in  an 
article  by  C.  F.  Adams,  Jr.,  appearing  in  the  North  American 
Review,2  an  extract  from  which  is  given  herewith  : 

"In  New  England  the  condition  of  affairs  is  bad  enough ;  and  more 
than  one  important  corporation  has  experienced  great  injury,  or  finds 
itself  leading  an  existence  of  perpetual  warfare  and  turmoil,  solely 
through  the  inability  of  some  prominent  and,  perhaps,  otherwise  val- 
uable official  to  demean  himself  with  consideration  towards  his  broth- 
er man.  What,  in  this  respect,  is  seen  here  in  the  East  is  absolutely 
nothing  to  what  prevails  in  the  West.  Taken  as  a  class,  the  man- 
ners of  the  employees  of  the  western  railroad  systems  are  probably 
the  worst  and  most  offensive  to  be  found  in  the  civilized  world.  It 
is  difficult  to  see  why  the  official  should  regard  the  traveler  or  the 
person  having  dealings  with  the  railroad  as  his  natural  enemy ;  but 
it  is  apparent  that  he  does.  If  it  were  'an  ordinary  manifestation  of 
the  American  fondness  for  asserting  equality  on  all  occasions  it 
would  be  endurable ;  it  commonly,  however,  partakes  of  a  more  ag- 
gressive and  hostile  character.  A  ticket  is  sold,  and  the  purchaser 
at  the  same  time  is  made  to  feel  that  a  favor  has  been  conferred  up- 
on him, — that  he  is  on  no  account  to  ask  any  questions, — and,  indeed, 
had  best  speedily  remove  himself  out  of  the  way.  The  gruffness  of 
the  baggage-master  is,  as  a  rule,  only  exceeded  by  his  violence  to  the 
baggage.  Indeed,  it  would  sometimes  seem  that  it  must  be  a  prom- 
inent rule  laid  down  by  the  companies  for  the  guidance  of  their  ser- 
vants, that  they  are  to  show  the  least  possible  degree  of  respect  or  con- 
sideration to  any  person  having  business  with  the  company ;  and  so 
thoroughly  is  this  principle  applied,  that — always  excepting  Mr.  Full- 
man's  cars,  in  which  an  excellent  discipline  is  maintained — the  rail- 

1  Pages  98-132. 

2  Vol.  120:394-424. 

[35oJ 


19 

roads  of  the  west  are  the  single  institution  anywhere  to  be  found 
from  whose  servants  money  will  not  at  all  times-  buy  civility  even  of 
the  commonest  kind.  I  very  well  remember  an  amusing  illustration 
of  this  rule  which  happened  to  me  about  two  years  ago.  One  autumn 
day  I  found  myself  at  the  station  at  Omaha  about  to  take  the  east- 
ward train.  In  the  baggage-room  of  the  station,  I  had,  some  hours 
before,  left  quite  a  heavy  trunk  for  which  I  now  presented  my  check. 
The  sternly  silent  baggage-master  found  it,  seized  it,  and,  without  a 
word  tumbled  it  out  of  the  door  at  my  feet  and  disappeared  into  the 
recesses  of  his  lair.  The  train  I  was  to  take  was  some  distance  down  the 
same  platform  on  which  I  was  standing,  perhaps  a  hundred  yards.  I 
could  not  well  carry  the  trunk  to  it,  and  it  seemed  foolish  to  abandon 
it,  especially  as  directly  in  front  of  me  an  assistant  baggage-master 
or  porter  of  the  company  stood  leaning  against  the  side  of  the  station, 
chewing  a  straw  and  lazily  observing  me.  There  seemed  but  one 
short  way  out  of  the  difficulty  ;  taking  out  my  purse  and  addressing 
him  in  the  most  persuasive  tones,  I  said  'Do  you  think  you  could  get 
a  truck  and  wheel  that  trunk  down  to  the  train  there  for  me?' — at 
the  same  time  suggestively  fingering  the  purse.  For  an  instant  the 
gentleman  addressed  did  not  move  a  muscle  ;  then,  after  contemplat- 
ing me  to  his  satisfaction,  his  mouth  opened,  he  stopped  chewing 
the  straw,  and  simply  uttered  the  one  expressive  monosyllable, 'No' ; — 
this  done,  he  resumed  the  mastication  of  his  straw,  and  the  conversa- 
tion ceased.  In  that  case  it  is  fair  to  presume  that  the  public  had  wor- 
ried and  annoyed  the  poor  fellow  by  asking  him  all  sorts  of  questions, 
and  calling  on  him,  even  as  I  had,  for  all  sorts  of  services ;  but  the 
ingenuity  of  discourtesy  with  which  he  retaliated  was  certainly  de- 
serving of  all  praise,  nor  can  I  doubt  that  before  this,  his  merit  has 
been  recognized,  and  he  has  been  promoted  to  the  office  of  freight 
agent,  or,  perchance,  assistant  superintendent." 

However,  the  railroads  were  not  altogether  responsible  for 
the  hostility  felt  against  them  by  the  farmers.  That  they  could 
please  their  patrons  in  no  particular  only  shows  that  the  ex- 
pectations of  the  latter  were  unreasonable.  It  is  true,  no  doubt, 
that  the  railroad  agents,  in  order  to  induce  the  payment  of  a 
larger  bounty,  painted  in  rosy  colors  the  probable  benefits  which 
the  people  would  derive  from  the  building  of  roads.1  The  peo- 

1  E.  W.  Martin,  History  of  the  Grange  Movement,  pp.  52-53. 


20 

pie,  having  magnified  these  suggestions  into  positive  prom- 
ises, were  irritated  by  their  failure  to  materialize  in  fact.  They 
hoped  for  too  much  and  complained  when  their  hopes  were  not 
realized. 

As  the  threats  of  the  farmers  increased,  the  railroad  officers 
grew  obstinate,  until  finally,  the  farmers  had  recourse  to  legis- 
lation. Little  was  done  in  this  direction,  however,  before  1870. 
The  Illinois  constitution  of  that  year  took  somewhat  advanced 
ground  in  the  matter  of  railroad  legislation.  Some  of  the  pro- 
visions referring  to  railroads  are  as  follows  : 

Article  XI  sec.  1.  "No  corporation  shall  be  created  by  special 
laws  or  its  charter  extended,  changed  or  amended,  except  those  for 
charitable,  penal,  or  reformatory  purposes  which  are  to  be  and  re- 
main under  the  patronage  and  control  of  the  State,  but  the  General 
Assembly  shall  provide,  by  general  laws,  for  the  organization  of  all 
corporations  hereafter  to  be  created." 

Section  9  of  the  same  article  requires  the  directors  of  every 
railway  corporation  to  make  an  annual  report  to  the  state,  un- 
der oath.  Other  sections  define  rolling  stock  as  personal  prop- 
erty, limit  the  power  of  consolidation,  require  the  General  As- 
sembly to  "pass  laws  establishing  reasonable  maximum  rates 
of  charges  for  the  transportation  of  passengers  on  the  different 
railroads  in  the  State",  and  provide  against  fictitious  increase  of 
capital  stock.  Section  15  reads  as  follows  : 

"The  General  Assembly  shall  pass  laws  to  correct  abuses  and 
prevent  unjust  discriminations  and  extortion  in  the  rates  of  freight 
and  passenger  tariffs  on  the  different  roads  in  this  State,  and  enforce 
such  laws,  by  adequate  penalties,  to  the  extent,  if  necessary  for  that 
purpose,  of  forfeiture  of  their  property  and  franchise." 

These  constitutional  provisions  opened  the  way  for  positive 
enactment.  As  yet  there  had  been  no  organized  effort  to  secure 
specific  results,  but  such  organization  was  not  long  in  coming. 

In  the  literature  of  the  time  we  find  many  references  to 
the  "Farmers'  Ring"  in  the  Illinois  legislature  of  1871. l  Strictly 
speaking,  this  was  not  a  ring  of  grangers,  for  it  ante-dated  the 

1  E.  g.  Prairie  Farmer,  Feb.  18,  1871. 

[352] 


21 

period  of  granger  organization.  But,  after  all,  it  was  part  and 
parcel  of  the  same  movement,  hastening  the  organization  of 
granges  and  having  much  influence  upon  them,  so  that  a  brief 
notice  of  it  will  help  us  to  a  better  understanding  of  the  Grange. 

On  February  7th,  1871,  sixty-five  members  of  the  legisla- 
ture met  in  the  rooms  of  the  State  Agricultural  Society  "for  the 
purpose  of  organizing  a  farmers'  and  mechanics'  club  to  look 
after  the  interests  of  the  producing  class,  to  subject  all  bills  and 
measures  to  a  thorough  and  free  discussion,  and  by  unanimity 
of  action  to  secure  such  legislation  as  will  relieve  the  necessi- 
ties of  the  mechanical  and  agricultural  interests  of  the  state." 
This  organization  was  usually  spoken  of  by  its  enemies  as  "The 
Farmers'  Club"  or  "The  Farmers  Ring",  either  as  a  term  of  des- 
cription or  reproach. 

It  was  this  legislature  that  passed  the  famous  restrictive  law1 
of  1871.  Among  these  laws  was  one  approved  by  the  governor, 
April  15,  1871,  entitled  "An  act  to  establish  a  reasonable  maxi- 
mum rate  of  charges  for  the  transportation  of  passengers  on  the 
railroads  of  this  state".*  According  to  this  law  the  railroads  of 
the  state  were  divided  into  four  classes,  according  to  their  gross 
earnings  per  mile.  Maximum  passenger  rates  were  established, 
which  varied  from  two  and  half  cents  a  mile,  in  the  case  of 
those  earning  $10,000,  or  more  per  mile,  to  five  and  a  half  cents 
a  mile  for  those  earning  under  $4,000. 

But  the  best  known  of  these  restrictive  laws  was  intended 
to  prevent  discriminations  in  freight  rates,  and  was  approved 
by  the  governor,  April  7,  1871. 3  Its  provisions  were  complex 
but  may  be  summarized  under  three  heads  :  First,  roads  shall 
not  charge  as  much,  or  more,  for  carrying  goods  a  less  distance 
than  for  a  greater  distance.  Second,  the  roads  shall  not  charge 
different  rates  for  handling  and  receiving  at  the  same  or  differ- 
ent points.  Third, 'they  shall  not  charge  more  for  transporta- 

1  Prairie  Farmer,  Feb.  18,  1871. 

2  Public  Laws  of  thirty-seventh  General  Assembly,  p.  640. 
8  Ibid.  p.  625. 

[353] 


22 

tion  a  given  distance  on  one  portion  than  for  the  same  distance 
on  another  portion  of  the  road. 

It  was  comparatively  easy  to  secure  the  passage  of  this  act. 
Its  enforcement  was  another  matter.  At  first  the  railroads  paid 
little  or  no  attention  to  it.  There  was  no  method  of  enforce- 
ment except  through  the  courts  on  complaint  of  an  individual 
who  could  show  that  he  had  been  injured  by  the  non-compliance 
of  the  roads.  At  length,  in  order  to  test  the  validity  of  the  law, 
a  suit  known  as  the  McLean  Co.  test  case  was  instituted.1  The 
suit  was  brought  by  the  Railway  and  Warehouse  Commission- 
ers in  the  name  of  the  people  of  the  State  of  Illinois  against 
the  Chicago  &  Alt0n  Railroad  Co.  for  violation  of  the  law  of 
1871,  regarding  discriminations  in  freight  rates.  The  complaint 
declared  that  the  company  was  charging  $5.65  per  thousand  on 
lumber  from  Chicago  to  Lexington,  a  distance  of  one  hundred 
and  ten  miles,  while  the  rate  from  Chicago  to  Bloomington,  a 
distance  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-six  miles,  was  only  $5.00 
per  thousand.  The  defendant  admitted  these  facts  and  also 
that  its  action  was  contrary  to  the  law  of  1871.  It  held,  how- 
ever, that  the  Bloomington  rate  was  excessively  low  owing  to 
competition  with  the  Illinois  Central ;  that  no  one  was  injured 
by  the  discrimination  except  the  company  itself ;  and  that  such 
discrimination  was  not  illegal,  because  the  Act  of  1871  was  con- 
trary to  both  state  and  national  constitutions. 

The  case  was  heard  in  the  McLean  Co.  circuit  court  by  Judge 
Tipton,  who  gave  a  verdict  against  the  company.  The  grounds 
of  the  decision  were  that  the  state,  in  order  to  give  all  citizens, 
equal  protection,  must  insure  them  against  such  discrimina- 
tions, and  that  anything  in  the  charter  of  the  railroad  company 
construed  contrary  to  the  principle  of  equality  must  in  the  very 
nature  of  things  be  void,  for  railroad  companies  have  no  rights 
contrary  to  the  welfare  of  the  people.2  The  case  was  appealed 
to  the  Supreme  Court,  Chief  Justice  Lawrence  presiding,  and 
the  decision  of  the  lower  court  was  reversed.  In  the  words  of 

1 67  in.,  pp.  11-27. 

2  Second  Annual  Report  of  the  R.  R.  &  W.  Commissioners,  pp.  99-114. 

[354] 


23 

the  court,  "Before  this  act  can  be  enforced  it  should  be  so 
amended  as  to  correspond  with  the  requirement  of  the  consti- 
tution by  directing  its  provisions  against  unjust  discrimina- 
tions. It  should  make  the  charging  of  a  greater  compensation 
for  a  less  distance,  merely  prima  facie  evidence  of  unjust  dis- 
crimination, instead  of  conclusive  evidence  as  it  now  is,  and  it 
should  give  the  railway  companies  the  right  of  trial  by  jury, 
not  only  on  the  fact  of  discrimination,  but  upon  the  issue  wheth- 
er such  discrimination  is  just  or  not."  In  other  words,  the  law 
of  1871,  although  entitled  an  "Act  to  prevent  unjust  discrimin- 
ations," was  so  worded  as  to  include  all  discriminations  and 
was  therefore  contrary  to  the  constitution.1 

The  decision  of  the  higher  court  came  as..a  surprise  to  the 
farmers,  most  of  whom  had  thought  that  the  law  of  1871  had 
settled  once  for  all  the  question  of  railroad  control.  Their  dis- 
appointment was  intense  and  showed  itself  sometimes  in  a  ludi- 
crous manner.  There  had  already  been  much  agitation  through- 
out the  state  for  a  three  cent  mileage  rate  for  passenger  travel.2 
The  farmers  were  convinced  that  this  was  a  sufficient  charge 
and  that  the  railroad  companies  in  charging  more  were  giving 
just  cause  for  complaint.  The  adverse  decision  of  the  court  in 
the  one  instance  led  many  to  believe  that  legal  opposition  to 
the  roads  was  ineffective  in  any  case,  so  that  they  began  to  take 
matters  into  their  own  hands.  The  more  hot-headed  among  them 
were  prepared  to  use  any  means  by  which  their  grievances 
might  be  redressed.  They  agreed  to  offer  their  fare  when  trav- 
elling at  the  rate  of  three  cents  a  mile  and  to  refuse  more.  Es- 
pecially when  travelling  in  groups  to  and  from  conventions 
they  made  themselves  troublesome  to  the  railroad  officials  in 
this  matter.  Sometimes  they  accomplished  their  object  and 
sometimes  they  failed.  Trains  were  often  side-tracked  leaving 
the  farmers  unable  to  proceed.  Sometimes  the  farmers  resorted 
to  violence.  A  story  is  told3  of  a  party  of  farmers  on  their  way 

1  67  III.  pp.  11-27.     Quotation  p.  26. 

*  E.  W.  Martin,  History  of  the  Grange  Movement;  Jonathan  Periam,  The  Ground 
Swell ;  Prairie  Farmer  1871,  1872. 

8  Jonathan  Periam,  The  Ground  Swell. 

[355] 


24 

to  a  convention  who,  when  the  train  officials  refused  to  accept 
fares  at  the  three  cent  rate,  and  ordered  a  force  of  employees  to 
put  them  off,  drew  revolvers  and  bowie-knives  and  drove  the 
railroad  men  from  the  train.  It  is  not  stated  whether  the  con- 
vention to  which  these  men  were  going  was  a  meeting  of 
grangers  or  of  some  other  farmers'  organization.  It  makes 
little  difference,  however,  for  the  whole  farmers'  movement 
was  a  unit  in  the  popular  conception  and  can  scarcely  be  an- 
alyzed into  distinct  parts  even  by  careful  study.  So,  whatever 
the  facts  may  have  been,  the  Grange  received  the  blame  for 
such  acts  of  violence  and  the  reputation  of  the  order  was  in- 
jured. 

Meanwhile,  opposition  to  the  roads  was  continued  in  the 
legislature.  A  law,  passed  May  2,  1873,1  empowered  the  Rail- 
way and  Warehouse  Commissioners  to  make  a  schedule  of  rea- 
sonable maximum  rates  for  the  transportation  of  passengers, 
freight  and  cars.2  This  law  was  finally  sustained  in  the  courts 
though  bitterly  opposed  by  the  railroads,  and,  as  amended  by 
the  act  of  June  30,  1885,  may  be  found  to-day  on  the  statute 
books.3  The  law  also  provided  that  any  railroad  which  should 
charge,  demand  or  receive  more  than  a  fair  and  reasonable  rate 
of  toll  or  compensation  should  be  deemed  guilty  of  extortion 
and  punished,  and  that  "if  any  such  railroad  corporation  shall 
make  any  unjust  discrimination  in  its  rates  of  charge  of  toll  or 
compensation  for  the  transportation  of  passengers  or  freight  of 

any  description"  etc it  "shall  be  deemed  guilty  of 

having  violated  the  provisions  of  this  act  and  shall  be  dealt 
with",  etc.*  It  was  further  provided  that  all  such  discriminat- 
ing rates,  charges,  collections,  or  receipts,  whether  made  direct- 
ly or  by  means  of  any  rebate,  draw-back,  or  other  shift  or  eva- 

1  Statutes  of  111.,  1873,  p.  135.    Revised   Stautes   of   111.,   1874,  p.  816.  sec.  86-95. 
Report  of  R.  R.  &  W.  Commission,  1873,  pp.  162-167. 

8  Sec.  8  of  the  law. 

8  Starr  &  Curtis's  Annotated  111.  Statutes,  Second  Edition  (1896)  v.  3  pp.  3309- 
3316  ;  Revised  Statutes  of  111.  (1895)  pp.  1210-1213,  sections  124:133. 

4  Section  2. 

[356] 


25 

sion  shall  be  deemed  and  taken  against  such  railroad  corpora- 
tion as  prima  facie  evidence  of  unjust  discrimination".1 

The  law  was  the  outgrowth  of  claims  made  by  the  farmers 
of  extortionate  rates  in  both  passenger  and  freight  traffic.  Re- 
garding passenger  rates  they  claimed  that  the  three  cent  rate 
had  formerly  prevailed,  but  that  in  order  to  increase  the  divi- 
dends upon  watered  stock,  the  rate  had  been  gradually  raised 
since  1853  until,  in  1871,  it  averaged  four  and  a  fifth  cents  a 
mile  throughout  the  state.8  On  the  other  hand,  the  railroads 
claimed  that  in  the  state  as  a  whole  the  rates  were  lower  than 
at  any  previous  time.  They  also  claimed  that  further  reduc- 
tions would  involve  a  loss.  The  facts  as  gathered  from  a  late 
publication3  of  the  Department  of  Agriculture,  show  that  in 
almost  every  case  railroad  rates,  both  freight  and  passenger, 
had  gradually  fallen  from  1850-1870.  A  very  slight  increase  is 
noticeable  in  some  of  the  roads  from  1870  to  1873,  and  a  decid- 
ed decrease  in  the  years  immediately  following.  From  this 
statement  it  may  be  seen  that  both  sides  were  partly  wrong — 
the  farmer,  in  claiming  that  there  had  been  a  continuous  rise; 
and  the  railroad  companies,  in  asserting  that  the  rates  were 
lower  than  ever  before.  One  circumstance  in  this  connection 
should  be  particularly  noted,  since  it  apparently  substantiates 
the  claims  of  those  who  are  antagonizing  the  railroads.  Through- 
out the  era  of  railroad  construction  the  rates  on  newly  built 
lines,  almost  without  exception,  were -higher  than  on  those 
which  had  been  built  for  some  time.  During  the  lull  in  railroad 
building  between  1860  and  1865  the  rates  on  existing  roads,  then 
few  in  number  in  Illinois,  continued  to  fall.  The  construction 
of  new  roads  was  carried  on  rapidly  in  the  next  few  years,  and 
when  they  began  operations  their  rates  were  considerably  high- 
er than  those  of  the  older  roads.  This,  of  course,  temporarily 
raised  the  average  rate  for  the  state.  The  rise  occurred  not- 
withstanding the  steady  decrease  on  the  older  roads  and  an 

1  Section  3. 

*  Prairie  Farmer,  Jan.  25,  1873. 

8  Bulletin  No.  15.  Miscellaneous  Series,  Division  of  Statistics,  Sees,  i  and  6. 

[357] 


26 

almost  immediate  reduction  on  the  new.  In  other  words,  when 
we  remember  that  new  roads  were  rapidly  going  into  operation, 
it  seems  quite  probable  that  the  new  roads,  charging  rates  tem- 
porarily higher,  more  than  counterbalanced  the  decrease  in 
rates  on  the  older  roads,  so  that  the  average  for  the  state  prob- 
ably was  increasing,  as  claimed  by  the  farmer.  Although  the 
building  of  new  roads  was  in  reality  a  benefit  to  the  farmer, 
yet  the  high  rates  charged  on  these  roads,  in  comparison  with 
the  rates  on  the  old  lines,  created  the  impression  that  the  rail- 
roads were  taking  advantage  of  the  situation  to  secure  abnor- 
mal profits  and  thus  gave  plausibility  to  the  arguments  for  fixing 
rates  by  law. 

At  all  events,  however  sound  or  unsound  were  the  argu- 
ments advanced,  the  farmers  were  able  to  marshal  sufficient 
strength  to  pass  the  law.  In  this  case,  as  in  the  former  one, 
the  real  test  came  with  the  effort  to  enforce  the  law.  The  roads 
at  first  ignored  the  law  entirely.  They  did  so  publicly  and  even 
boastingly.1  The  matter  was  soon  brought  into  the  courts, 
where  they  were  compelled  to  plead  their  cause.  They  main- 
tained the  illegality  of  the  law  on  the  ground  that  the  railroads 
were  private  corporations,  operating  under  a  charter  received 
from  the  state,  that  it  was  not  within  the  power  of  the  state  to 
pass  laws  annulling  or  restricting  the  charter,2  which,  being  in 
the  nature  of  a  contract  between  the  state  and  the  rail- 
road, was  not  subject  to  alteration  by  either  party  without 
the  consent  of  the  other.  Consequently,  since  their  charters 
made  no  mention  of  state  regulation,  the  railroads  were  not 
bound  to  submit  to  interference,  and  therefore  any  discrimina- 
tions which  they  might  make  were  both  legal  and  justifiable. 
They  held  that  they  had  the  right  to  make  the  best  bargain 
they  could  with  each  customer  and  might,  if  they  saw  fit,  refuse 
a  man's  trade  altogether.3 

1  Stickney,  Railway  Problems,  Letter  of  Alexander  Mitchell  to  Governor  W.  R. 
Taylor,  of  la.,  pp.  102-109.     Report  of    Senate  Committee  on  Interstate  Commerce, 
serial  number  2356,  p.  64. 

2  Cf.  "Dartmouth  College  Case",    Daitmouth  College  v.  Woodward,  17  U.  S.  pp. 
518-715. 

8  Cf.  arguments  in  "granger  cases."  Also  Stickney,  Railway  Problems,  chs.  X.,  XI. 

[358] 


27 

The  farmers,  on  the  other  hand,  contended  that  the  rail- 
roads as  "common  carriers"  had  no  right  to  refuse  to  haul  a 
man's  goods  at  the  price  paid  by  others.  They  called  attention 
to  the  immense  power  over  business  which  could  be  exercised 
by  the  railroads,  if  allowed  to  discriminate  in  this  way.  They 
also  denied  the  contention  of  the  railroads  as  to  the  power  of 
the  state  to  make  changes  in  the  charter  of  a  corporation,  claim- 
ing that  the  state  had  virtually  created  the  corporation,  which, 
as  the  creation  of  the  state  must  be  subject  to  its  control.1  The 
fight  in  the  courts  was  carried  on  with  a  great  deal  of  bitter- 
ness and  lasted  for  several  years.  The  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  rendered  in  1876  upheld  the  arguments  of  the  grangers 
and  asserted  the  right  of  the  states  to  regulate  rates  within 
their  own  boundaries  and  to  compel  the  railroads  to  post  a 
schedule  of  their  rates  for  the  benefit  of  the  public.  Extracts 
from  the  various  decisions  follow: 

(A)  Munn  v.  111.  94  U.  S.  134,  extracts  from  syllabus, — 

(1)  "Under  the  powers  inherent  in  every  sovereignty,  a  govern- 
ment may  regulate  the  conduct  of  its  citizens  toward  each  other,  and 
when  necessary  for  the  public  good,  the  manner  in  which  each  shall 
use  his  own  property." 

(6)  "The  limitation   by  legislative   enactment  of   the  rate  of 
charge  for  services  rendered  in  a  public  employment,  or  for  the  use 
of  property  in  which  the  public  has  an  interest,  establishes  no  new 
principle  in  the  law,  but  only  gives  a  new  effect  to  an  old  one." 

(7)  "When  warehouses  are  situated  and  their  business  is  car- 
ried on  exclusively  within  a  state,  she  may,  as  a  matter  of  domestic 
concern,    prescribe  regulations  for  them  notwithstanding  they  are 
used  as  instruments  by  those  engaged  in  an  inter-state,  as  well  as  a 
state,  commerce ;  and,  until  Congress  acts  in  reference  to  these  in- 
ter-state relations,  such  regulations  can  be  enforced  even  though 
they  may  operate  indirectly  upon  commerce  beyond  her  immediate 
jurisdiction."     Decision  rendered  in  October,  1876. 

(B)  Chicago,  Burlington  &  Quincy  R.  R.  Co.  v.  Iowa. — Extracts 
from  syllabus : 

(1)     "Railroad  companies  are  carriers  for  hire.     Engaged  in  a 

1  Cf.  Stickney,  Railway  Problem,  chapters  X.  and  XI. 

[2591 


28 

public  employment  affecting  the  public  interest,  they  are,  unless 
protected  by  their  charters,  subject  to  legislative  control  as  to  their 
rates  of  fare  and  freight." 

(4)  "The  act  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the  State  of  Iowa,  en- 
titled 'An  act  to  establish  reasonable  maximum  rates  of  charges  for 
transportation  of  freight  and  passengers  on  the  different  roads  of 
this  state',  approved  March  23,  1874  is  not  in  conflict  with  section  4, 
Article  1,  of  the  constitution  of  Iowa,  which  provides  that  all  laws 

of  a  general  nature  shall  have  a  uniform  operation  and,  etc 

"nor  is  it  a  regulation  of  inter-state  commerce."  Decision  rendered, 
October,  1876. 

(0)     Peck  v.  Chicago  &  Northwestern  K.  R.  Co. 

"Held,  that  the  legislature  had  power  to  prescribe  a  maximum 
of  charges  to  be  made  by  said  company  for  transporting  persons  or 
property  within  the  state,  or  taken  up  outside  the  state  and  brought 
within  it,  or  taken  up  inside  and  carried  without."  Decision  ren- 
dered Oct.  1876. 

(D)  Chicago,  Milwaukee  &  St.  Paul  Railroad  Co.  v.  Ackley. 
The  decision  in  this  case,    also  given  in  October,  1876,  determined 
that  a  railroad  company  can  not  recover  for  any  amount  above  the 
maximum  rate  established  by  law. 

(E)  Winona  &  St.  Peter  R.  R.  Co.  v.  Blake.     Syllabus: 
"The  Winona  &  St.  Peter  Railroad  company,  having  been  incor- 
porated as  a  common  carrier  was  bound  to  carry  when  called  upon  for 
that  purpose  and  to  charge  only  a  reasonable  compensation  therefor.' ' 

(F)  Shields  v.  Ohio,  95  U.  S.  319,  syllabus : 

"The  General  Assemby  does  not,  therefore,  impair  the  obliga- 
tion of  a  contract  by  prescribing  the  rates  for  the  transportation  of 
the  passengers  by  the  new  company,  although  one  of  the  original 
companies  was  prior  to  the  adoption  of  that  constitution,  organized 
under  a  charter  which  imposed  no  limitations  as  to  such  rates." 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  similar  legislation  was  in  pro- 
gress in  neighboring  states,  notably  in  Wisconsin,  where  the 
famous  Potter  Law  created  intense  feeling  on  the  part  of  the 
railroads.  Iowa  also  had  similar  troubles.  Illinois  was  proba- 
bly as  successful  as  any  of  her  sister  states  in  dealing  with  this 
problem  and  her  legislation  in  general  was  less  radical.1 

1  Report  of  Senate  Committee,Congressional  Reports,  serial  number  2356  pp.  71-74. 

[360] 


29 

The  railroad  laws  of  the  '70's  are  sometimes  sneeringly 
called  "Granger  legislation".  It  is  worth  while  to  attempt  to 
discover  what  relation  actually  existed  between  them  and  the 
Grange.  Popular  opinion  on  this  subject  is  at  variance  with 
the  statements  of  grange  officials.1  The  first  so-called  "Granger 
laws"  of  Illinois  were  passed  not  later  than  April  15,  1871.  At 
the  close  of  this  year  there  had  been  but  nine  subordinate  granges 
organized  in  this  state,  and  the  state  organization  itself  was  not 
formed  until  the  fifth  of  March,  1872.  In  the  light  of  these 
facts  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  railway  legislation  of  1871 
can  be  laid  at  the  door  of  the  grangers.  This  much,  however, 
is  certain:  an  effort  was  being  made  at  this  time  to  bring  the 
railroads  under  legislative  control  and  the  movement  was  en- 
countering opposition.  The  decision  of  the  court,  declaring 
the  law  of  1871  unconstitutional,  came  as  a  shock  to  the  farm- 
ers. It  revealed  their  weakness  and  showed  them  that  they 
could  not  make  headway  unless  they  could  combine  their  forces. 
By  this  time  the  Grange  had  attained  some  prominence  and,  be- 
cause of  its  complete  organization,  its  discipline,  and  the  limita- 
tion of  its  membership  to  farmers,  had  become  the  center  around 
which  the  farmers  rallied  against  the  railroads.  Whatever  may 
have  been  the  previous  policy  of  the  Grange  it  could  no  longer 
remain  neutral.  The  question  was  of  vital  interest  to  the  farm- 
ers and  its  discussion  could  not  be  kept  out  of  grange  meetings. 
The  Grange  therefore  took  the  lead  in  the  "war  upon  the  rail- 
roads", and  all  opposed  to  the  roads  were  glad  to  call  themselves 
grangers.  As  one  man  prominent  in  political  matters  of  the 
time  says,  "We  were  all  grangers.  I  never  belonged  to  the  or- 
der but  I  was  a  granger  just  the  same". 

We  must  therefore  admit,  that  from  this  time  on,  the 
Grange,  at  least  equally  with  other  farmers'  organizations,  was 
responsible  for  the  opposition  to  the  railroads.  Otherwise  we  must 
find  some  cause  for  its  tremendous  growth  and  activity  at  this 

1  Mr.  Chas.  W.  Pierson  says,  "In  spite  of  the  assertions  of  Mr.  C.  F.  Adams  and 
others  it  can  be  shown  that  the  Grange  was  not  responsible  for  the  Illinois  legislation 
Pop.  Sci.  Mo.  32:206.    Cf.  Hadley,  Railroad  Transportation  130-136. 

[361] 


30 

time,  distinct  from  those  which  led  to  corresponding  growth  in 
other  farmers'  organizations.  The  evidence  seems  convincing 
that  the  whole  struggle  against  the  railroads  and  other  corpo- 
rations, in  the  years  from  1872-'77,  may  properly  be  included 
under  the  head  of  the  granger  movement.  This  was  certainly 
the  opinion  of  the  majority  of  the  grangers  themselves. 

The  railroad  laws  of  the  western  states  in  the  early  seven- 
ties were  crude,  as  laws  are  likely  to  be  when  dealing  with. new 
subjects.  In  some  cases  they  were  declared  unconstitutional, 
as  was  the  first  law  in  Illinois.  They  caused  much  harsh  criti- 
cism1 in  the  east.  Many  articles  were  written  denouncing  the 
laws  as  virtual  cofiscation,  and  asserting  that  they  were  contrary 
to  the  best  interests  of  the  states  which  passed  them.  It  wras 
proved  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  writers  that  such  states  as 
Illinois  and  Wisconsin  had  seriously  impaired  their  credit,  that 
they  were  retarding  their  own  development  and  that  the  demands 
of  the  farmers  were  most  unreasonable.  It  was  declared  that  as 
a  result  of  these  laws  railroad  building  in  the  West  had  received 
a  check  from  which  it  would  not  recover.  There  was  a  grain 
of  truth  in  these  statements.  Some  of  the  legislation  was  ill- 
considered,  and  in  so  far  as  it  was  unconstitutional  the  granger 
movement  was  somewhat  discredited.  The  credit  of  the  states 
was  impaired  somewhat2  but  less  on  account  of  the  laws  them- 
selves than  because  of  overdrawn  comments  upon  them.  Rail- 
road building  was  checked  temporarily  in  some  sections,  but 
this  was  not  altogether  undesirable.  Moreover  the  length  of 
time  during  which  some  of  these  so-called  "Granger  laws"  have 
remained  in  force  carries  with  it  a  decided  vindication  of  the 
policy. 

The  Railway  and  Warehouse  Commission  has  already  been 
mentioned  in  connection  with  the  Grange  in  this  state,  but  de- 
serves separate  treatment  on  account  of  its  importance.  It  was 
created  by  the  act  of  May  13,  1871,  with  power  to  inquire  into 

1  Pop.  Sci.  Mo.,  32.206,  Nation,  16:381  ;  17:140;  17:266;  19:36;  19:122;  etc. 
*  Nation,  20:33;  C.  F.  Adams  Jr.  in  No.  Am.  Rev.  120:394, 

L362] 


31 

the  management  of  roads,  to  subpoena  witnesses  for  that  pur- 
pose, to  prosecute  parties  for  the  violation  of  laws,  but  with 
little  or  no  discretionary  powers  in  the  regulation  of  the  roads.1 
The  reports  of  the  commissioners  for  1871  and  1872  indicate 
that  they  met  with  many  difficulties  and  were  able  to  exert  but 
little  influence  upon  the  roads.  The  act  of  May  2, 1873*  extended 
and  enlarged  their  powers.  Section  7  of  that  act  increased 
their  powers  in  the  prosecution  of  violations  of  the  law,  and 
section  8  empowered  them  to  fix  a  schedule  of  reasonable  maxi- 
mum rates  for  the  transportation  of  passengers,  freight  and 
cars.  These  rates  were  to  be  accepted  in  the  courts  as  prima 
facie  evidence  in  all  cases  of  alleged  unjust  discrimination. 
That  the  farmers  then  considered  this  commission  able  to  en- 
force their  demands  is  evident  from  the  opposition  aroused  by 
Governor  Beveridge  in  1873,  when  he  proposed  as  members  of 
the  commission,  men  who  were  not  considered  representative 
of  the  interests  of  the  farmers.  Public  sentiment  was  so  strong 
against  these  men  that  the  appointments  were  finally  withdrawn 
without  action  by  the  Senate.  The  governor  then  appointed 
three  men  more  satisfactory  to  the  farmers. 

In  conclusion,  it  may  be  said  of  the  attitude  of  the  railroads 
that  wrhile  there  is  little  question  that  many  of  the  demands  of 
the  Illinois  grangers  were  decidedly  unreasonable,  and  some 
of  their  methods  forcible  and  illegal,  yet  this  unreasonableness 
was  made  an  excuse  for  opposition  to  many  demands  which 
were  reasonable.  In  the  main,  the  granger  principles  were 
sound  and  the  results  of  the  movement  beneficial ;  for  it  has 
convinced  the  railroad  corporations  that  railroads,  to  be  suc- 
cessful, must  be  operated  in  accordance  with  the  demands  of 
their  patrons,  and  that  it  is  only  a  question  of  time  when  fla- 
grant abuses  affecting  a  large  number  of  people  must  be  rem- 
edied. 


1  Public  Laws  of  Illinois,  1871-1872  pp.  619-625. 

2  Report  of  R.  R.  &  W.  Commission  1873,  pp.  62-65. 

[3631 


4.     Political  Features. 

The  original  design  of  the  National  Grange  did  not  involve 
legislative  activity.  But,  as  we  have  already  seen,  some  of  the 
abuses  which  called  the  organization  into  existence  could  be 
reformed  only  through  legislation.  The  precedent  established 
in  the  case  of  the  railroads  was  soon  extended, 1  and  before  long 
we  find  criticisms  of  the  Grange  for  depending  on  legislation  as 
a  remedy  for  all  evils.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  its  influence  se- 
cured the  passage  of  comparatively  few  enactments.  But  grang- 
er conventions  discussed  many  plans  of  reform  and,  directly 
or  indirectly,  aided  in  the  passage  of  many  measures  in  the  leg- 
islature. If  we  might  give  the  Grange  credit  for  legislation  in 
accordance  with  its  policy,  passed  since  the  days  of  its  power, 
the  story  might  prove  much  longer.  However,  for  the  present, 
at  any  rate,  we  must  confine  ourselves  to  measures  passed  or 
reforms  agitated  as  a  direct  result  of  granger  influence. 

One  of  the  first  moves  of  the  grangers  in  this  direction  was 
for  the  reduction  of  the  salaries  of  public  officers.  This  mat- 
ter was  discussed  with  warmth  in  meetings  of  both  state  and 
national  granges,  not  only  in  Illinois,  but  also  in  Iowa,  Wiscon- 
sin, Indiana,  and  other  states.  The  discussion  occurred  for  the 
most  part  immediately  after  the  panic  of  1873.  The  term  "sal- 
ary grab"  was  frequently  used  and  there  seemed  to  be  practical 
unanimity  of  opinion  among  grangers  that  the  salaries  of  offi- 
cials were  too  high  and  that  the  offices,  having  become  objects 
of  political  greed,  were  not  filled  by  representative  men,  a  phrase 
which  to  them  meant  farmers.  The  grangers  further  declared 
that  since  all  commodities  had  decreased  in  value,  it  was  mani- 
festly unfair  that  officers  of  the  government  should  not  also  sus- 
tain a  reduction,  and  that  an  increase  in  their  salaries  would  be 
robbery  of  the  people.  The  stand  of  the  grangers  seems  to  have 

1  The  Prairie  Farmer  of  Feb.  8,  ]873  urged  activity  in  legislative  matters,  in  the 
following  words:  "The  legislature  is  now  in  session.  Now  is  the  time  for  the  grang- 
ers ot  the  state  to  discuss  needed  legislation  and  to  put  themselves  in  communication 
with  one  or  more  members  of  the  legislature"  so  as  to  know  what  is  being'  done  and 
to  exercise  an  influence  on  legislation. 

[364] 


33 

had  some  effect  at  least  in  neutralizing  the  movement  for  higher 
salaries,  especially  in  the  case  of  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  state. 

Other  measures  were  proposed  by  the  farmers,  such  as  laws 
prohibiting  stock  from  running  at  large  :  a  tax  on  dogs  to  in- 
demnify sheep  owners  for  losses  due  to  dogs  :  the  planting  and 
preservation  of  forest  trees :  the  abolition  of  gambling  and 
horse-racing  at  fairs :  and  guarding  against  the  importation  of 
contagious  diseases  among  stock.  The  discussion  of  other 
questions  such  as  Prohibition  and  Woman  Suffrage  brought 
about  numerous  resolutions,  but  these  matters  received  but 
little  serious  attention. 

The  question  was  frequently  raised  among  grangers,  wheth- 
er or  not  a  member  of  the  Grange  should  seek  office.  The  gen- 
eral opinion  seemed  to  be  that  he  should  seek  representation 
for  the  farmer  and  if  offered  a  nomination  should  not  refuse  it.1 
However,  there  were  numerous  instances  where  grange  offi- 
cers refused  a  party  nomination  because  of  their  position  in  the 
Grange.  On  the  other  hand,  many  must  have  been  quite  willing 
to  accept.  Otherwise  we  would  not  have  had  a  grange  legislature 
in  Wisconsin  in  1875,  nor  36  grangers  in  the  California  legislature 

1  The  Prairie  Farmer  of  January  23,  1875,  contains  a  noteworthy  argument  on 
this  subject.  A  portion  of  it  is  as  follows  : 

"And  yet  farmers  ought  to  fill  important  offices.  Probably  we  shall  have  no  re- 
form in  politics  until  a  majority  of  farmers  shall  be  sent  to  the  legislature  and  to  con- 
gress. But  as  those  now  on  the  stage  of  action  are  unfit,  however  ravenous  they  may 
be,  those  who  shall  be  fit  must  be  prepared,  and  the  only  material  lies  in  the  young 
men  now  entering  life.  The  question  arises,  how  shall  they  be  prepared. 

Take  any  young  man  well  brought  up,  and  containing  within  himself  good  hered- 
itary qualities,  who  is  married  and  somewhat  in  debt  for  land,  teams  and  implements, 
and  who  is  ambitious  :  it  will  be  a  good  plan  for  him  to  think  of  going  to  the  legis- 
lature, and  being  now,  from  22  to  26,  he  may  reasonably  expect  to  attain  this  object 
by  the  time  he  is  forty  or  fifty,  not  before  ;  on  the  condition  that  he  takes  the  proper 
course  and  pursues  it  steadily.  Many  things  must  occur,  and  there  are  more  things 
in  life  than  most  young  men  imagine." 

The  article  continuing,  gives  more  specific  directions  in  effect  as  follows  :  Be 
honest,  be  temperate  and  keep  good  health.  Cultivate  love  for  your  wife.  Read, 
learn  to  observe,  practice  handwriting.  The  farm  should  not  exceed  forty  acres 
Work  no  more  than  eight  hours  a  day.  Spend  from  three  to  six  hours  a  day  in  read- 
ing or  study.  Travel  as  much  as  possible,  etc. 

[365] 


34 

of  1878.  From  this  we  may  conclude  that  although  some  of 
the  leaders  were  very  careful  to  keep  out  of  politics,  either  be- 
cause the  Giange  was  theoretically  outside  of  the  sphere  of  po- 
litical activity  or  because  the  positions  which  they  already  held 
were  more  influential  than  the  political  offices  within  their 
reach,  yet  many  members  of  the  order  certainly  had  no  such 
scruples  and  probably  counted  on  the  help  of  their  fellow  grang- 
ers to  raise  them  into  office.  Many  grangers  or  grange  repre- 
sentatives occupied  seats  in  the  various  state  legislatures  because 
of  granger  support.Politicians  who  were  not  members  of  the  order 
and  who  were  unable  to  join,  solicited  the  friendship  of  the 
Grange  by  supporting  their  principles  in  words  and  often  in 
deeds.  The  Grange  also  came  into  politics  sometimes  through 
the  efforts  of  politicians  to  manipulate  granger  conventions. 
The  case  of  Judge  Lawrence  is  in  point.  Acting  in  the  capaci- 
ty of  Chief  Justice  of  the  State  Supreme  Court,  he  pronounced 
the  decision  of  the  court  in  the  McLean  county  test  case,  de- 
claring the  railroad  law  of  1871  unconstitutional.  His  term 
soon  expired  and,  as  he  was  supported  by  nearly  the  whole  bar 
of  the  state,  he  was  renominated  by  his  party  almost  without 
opposition.  The  executive  committee  of  the  State  Grange  had 
previously  publicly  and  explicitly  acknowledged  the  justice  of 
the  decision,1  but  politicians  were  shrewd  enough  to  see  that  the 
farmers  were  not  entirely  satisfied  and  that  a  little  judicious 
scheming  might  stir  up  a  blaze  of  opposition.  Under  their 
leadership,  or  influence,  grangers'  and  farmers'  conventions  met 

1  The  Prairie  Farmer,  Mar.  22, 1873,  prints  resolutions  adopted  by  the  executive 
committee  of  the  Illinois  State  Grange  after  the  decision  in  the  McLean  Co.  case  : 

"Resolved,  that  the  question  of  railway  tariffs  now  agitating  this  and  other  states 
involves  issues  of  the  gravest  character  and  should  be  settled  on  principles  of  sound- 
est law  and  strictest  justice  to  all  parties  concerned. 

Resolved,  that  the  recent  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State  in  the  rail- 
way case  from  McLean  Co.,  so-called,  seems  dictated  by  patriotism  and  wisdom,  and 
so  far  as  we  understand  its  reasonings  and  suggestions,  they  are  accepted  with  satis- 
faction and  approval. 

Resolved,  that  the  present  General  Assembly  are  respectfully  requested  and 
urged  to  enact  a  law  under  which  reasonable  tariffs,  both  freight  and  passenger,  shall 
be  established,  and  by  which  unjust  discriminations  in  the  same  shall  be  prevented." 

[366] 


35 

and  endorsed  the  nomination  of  the  rival  candidate,  who  was 
less  widely  known,  and  who,  though  under  no  pledge,  was  gen- 
erally understood  to  be  a  friend  of  the  farmers  nominated  for  a 
definite  purpose.1  Lawrence  was  defeated  at  the  polls  by  the 
vote  of  the  organized  farmers.  This  and  other  cases  were  plain- 
ly attempts  to  control  the  decision  of  the  courts,  and  were  quick- 
ly interpreted  by  outsiders  as  methods  of  lawlessness  and  an- 
archy. The  granger  movement  was  discredited,  and  the  grange 
weakened,  since  it  was  unable  to  justify  itself  in  the  eyes 
of  those  who  condemned  its  action.  Here  again  the  Grange 
suffered  on  account  of  its  fame.  Because  of  its  prominence  it 
bore  the  brunt  of  the  criticism  though  receiving  only  a  share  of 
the  praise  from  those  in  sympathy  with  its  methods.  As  we 
look  at  the  matter  now  in  the  light  of  more  dispassionate  criti- 
cism, we  are  bound  to  admit  the  right  of  the  farmer  to  refuse 
to  vote  for  Judge  Lawrence.  But  when  we  reflect  that  his  de- 
feat was  due  to  a  judicial  decision  whose  soundness  was  admitted 
by  the  grangers  themselves  we  can  scarcely  avoid  misgivings 
either  as  to  the  patriotism  or  good  sense  of  the  people  responsi- 
ble for  his  defeat.  But  we  must  not  judge  the  farmers'  organ- 
izations too  harshly,  for  the  members  had  been  keenly  disap- 
pointed at  the  failure  of  the  law  to  which  they  had  looked  for 
relief  from  the  impositions  of  the  railroad  companies. 

In  the  early  days  of  the  Grange,  1872  and  1873,  partisan 
newspapers  made  strenuous  efforts  to  induce  it  to  make  an  ex- 
pression of  opinion  on  the  tariff  question.  In  this  they  were 
only  partly  successful.  Nearly  every  time  resolutions  were  in- 
troduced bearing  upon  the  subject,  means  were  found  for  dis- 
posing of  them  without  provoking  discussion.  Not  so  in  a  con- 
vention held  in  Bloomington,  and  controlled  by  politicians.  A 
resolution  was  introduced  calling  for  the  immediate  repeal  of 
the  protective  duties  on  iron,  steel  and  all  other  materials  which 

1  Prairie  Farmer,  May  31, 1878,  gives  an  account  of  a  convention  held  at  Yates  City 
at  the  call  of  the  Yates  City  Grange  for  the  purpose  of  ratifying  the  nomination  of 
Hon.  A.  M.  Craig  for  Chief  Justice  of  the  state  Supreme  Court.  Resolutions  were 
passed  pledging  the  members  of  the  convention  "individually  and  collectively  to  use 
all  honorable  means  to  secure  the  election  of  the  Hon.  A.  M.  Craig,"  etc. 

[367] 


36 

enter  into  the  construction  of  railroad  cars,  steamships,  etc. 
A  heated  discussion  arose,  at  the  close  of  which  the  resolution 
was  passed  by  a  narrow  margin.  That  night  most  of  the  dele- 
gates went  home  and  an  effort  was  made  the  next  day  to  recon- 
sider the  question.  The  attempt,  however,  failed.  It  was  read- 
ily seen  by  the  grangers  that  such  matters  must  be  let  severely 
alone,  for  much  feeling  was  caused  by  this  action.  Consequently 
we  hear  of  no  more  tariff  discussions  in  grange  conventions. 

In  the  matter  of  currency  reform  there  were  fewer  differ- 
ences of  opinion  than  on  the  tariff.  For  although  there  were, 
no  doubt,  as  many  different  schemes  of  revision  as  there  were 
minds  capable  of  evolving  a  scheme,  the  details  of  these  plans 
were  little  discussed  and  the  grangers  usually  contented  them- 
selves with  a  general  demand  for  currency  revision.1  A  clip- 
ping from  an  Iowa  paper  may  be  taken  as  fairly  representing 
granger  declarations  on  this  subject.  It  is  as  follows  :  "The 
grange  is  the  germ  seed  of  the  great  national  movement  now 
in  vigorous  progress  to  secure  a  national  system  of  currency 
that  shall  be  just  to  all  classes  of  citizens,  without  favoring  by 
special  law  those  who  choose  to  invest  in  banks  of  issue".5' 

Many  other  public  matters  came  up  for  discussion,  and  there 
were  few  important  questions  of  the  time  upon  which  the  Grange 
failed  to  make  some  expression.  For  example  the  popular 
election  of  United  States  Senators  was  often  discussed  in  grange 
conventions  and  some  efforts  were  made  to  secure  a  more  equit- 
able adjustment  of  taxes.  It  is  none  the  less  true,  as  shown  by 
the  resolutions  of  the  Potomac  Grange  passed  in  1878,3  that 
there  was  a  feeling  somewhat  widespread,  that  aside  from  the 
principle  involved  it  was  a  bad  policy  for  the  Grange  to  express 
itself  on  political  matters,4  inasmuch  as  professional  politicians 

1  The  Prairie  Farmer  of   Feb.  21,  1878  announced  that  the  Illinois  State  Grange 
had  endorsed  the  measures  then  before  Congress  to  remonetize  silver. 
•2Copied  in  the  Prairie  Farmer,  Oct.  19,  1878. 
3  Prairie  Farmer,  Sept.  5,  1878. 

*  In  the  Prairie  Farmer,  January  23,  1875  under  the  heading,  "Is  it  drifting  into 
politics?"  Alonzo  Colder,  Grand  Master  of  the  Illinois  State  Grange,  says  in  effect, — 
It  is  a  conceded  fact  that  the  State  Farmers'  Association  of  Illinois  was  organized 
primarily  for  political  purposes.  In  this  line  no  doubt  it  will  do  good.  But  the  Grange 

[368] 


37 

were  usually  successful  in  framing  such  declarations  to  suit 
their  own  purposes.  On  the  other  hand,  there  was  at  the  same 
time  a  feeling  that  the  agitation  against  political  action  by  the 
Grange  was  in  fact  a  scarecrow,  raised  by  the  enemies  of  the 
order  so  as  to  exclude  it  from  politics  and  so  narrow  its  field 
of  influence,1  in  order  to  meet  both  of  these  objections  a  plan  of 
secret  ballot,  similar  in  many  respect  to  the  present  system  of 
primary  elections,  was  adopted  in  some  portions  of  the  state, 
whereby  the  general  sentiment  might  be  discovered  without 
the  interferance  of  politicians,  and  the  members  of  the  Grange 
enabled  to  unite  on  some  candidate  and  so  make  their  votes 
effective.8  The  results  of  this  expedient  were  not  satisfactory 
and  the  plan  was  therefore  abandoned. 

5.     The  Grange  and  the  Middlemen:  Buying,  Selling,  Mutual 

Insurance. 

Aside  from  its  war  on  the  railroads  and  its  activity  along 
political  lines,  the  Grange  found  other  tields  of  labor  of  which 
less  is  generally  known.  Of  these  less  public  activities  perhaps 
none  has  accomplished  more  lasting  good  than  the  attempt  to 
deal  directly  with  the  manufacturers,  without  the  aid  of  mid- 
dlemen. In  speaking  of  the  causes  which  worked  toward  mak- 
ing the  Grange  powerful  as  an  organization,  we  have  already 
mentioned  briefly  the  inconveniences  which  the  farmer  suffered 
at  the  hands  of  the  local  dealers.  In  the  minds  of  the  founders 
of  the  order,  probably  no  item  in  the  farmers'  budget  of  griev- 
ances received  more  attention,  or  was  considered  of  more  real 
importance  to  the  farmer,  than  the  disadvantages  under  which 

must  let  politics  alone.  Politicians  and  the  Associations  would  gladly  drag  the 
Grange  into  politics  but  its  fundamental  principle  is  non-political,  not-partisan. 
Some  subordinate  granges  in  the  state  have  been  led  away  from  their  true  purpose 
and  have  taken  sides  on  political  questions.  Such  granges  must  beware  in  the  future 
or  they  will  be  deprived  of  their  charter.  When  the  Grange  becomes  truly  and 
avowedly  a  secret  political  organization  its  death  knell  is  sounded. 

1  Thomas  M.  Richards  in  address  to  the  Slate  Farmers'  Association  in  1875  said 
the  scarecrow  "Beware  how  you  meddle  with  politics",  etc.,  is  the  cry  of  political 
schemers  who  fear  the  political  influence  of  the  Grange. 

*  Prairie  Farmer,  Sept.  20,  1873. 

[369] 


he  was  laboring  in  buying  his  necessary  supplies.     The  middle- 
man, however,  shrewdly  avoided  antagonizing  the  farmer  open- 
ly, and  so  allowed  the  railroads  to  bring  upon  themselves  his 
first  attack.    Unlike  the  roads,  they  saw  that  their  hold  upon 
the  farmer  depended  on  keeping  him  in  a  good  humor.     Com- 
petition compelled  them  to  be  conciliatory  and  they  dared  not 
be  so  overbearing  in  their  manners  as  were  the  railroad  officials. 
Moreover,  their  existence,  in  limited  numbers,  was  necessary, 
or  at  least  helpful,  in  developing  the  resources  of  the  new 
country.    Many  of  the  immigrants  were  not  supplied  with  the 
implements  necessary  for  carrying  on  their  work  and,  what 
was  worse,  they  lacked  the  necessaries  of  life,  and  would  have 
been  unable  to  support  themselves  until  their  crops  were  har- 
vested but  for  the  services  of  the  middlemen,  who  furnished 
them  with  goods  on  credit.    The  middleman  was  careful  to  em- 
phasize these  facts  in  order  to  impress  upon  the  farmer  a  sense 
of  obligation  for  the  leniency  shown.     The  farmer,  after  receiv- 
ing these  favors,  felt  himself  bound  to  trade  with  the  man  who 
had  helped  him.     This  was  especially  true  if  his  crops  were  not 
sufficient  to  pay  his  debt ;  for  whether  or  not  his  farm  had  been 
mortgaged  as  security,  his  freedom  of  action  was  none  the  less 
limited. 

A  system  of  credit  was  thus  built  up,  similar  in  its  main 
features  to  the  system  still  in  operation  in  the  cotton  growing 
states.1  The  chief  difference,  perhaps,  lies  in  the  fact  that  the 
northern  farmer  was  more  enterprising  and  could  not  endure 
the  slavery  of  debt.  He  made  use  of  all  such  means  as  the 
granger  movement  to  rid  himself  of  such  obligations.  It  is  nev- 
ertheless true  that  the  disadvantages  under  which  many  of 
these  early  settlers  labored  made  the  struggle  for  existence 
severe.  Having  once  put  themselves  into  the  power  of  the 
middlemen  it  was  no  easy  task  to  escape.  And  unless  the 
farmer  adopted  the  motto,  "Pay  as  you  go,"  he  was  sure  to  be- 
come subject  to  the  control  of  the  merchant.  Even  then  the 
prices  that  he  had  to  pay  were  exorbitant ;  for  there  was  little 

1  M.  B.  Hammond,  The  Cotton  Industry  in  the  United  States,  chap.  V. 

[370] 


39 

competition  in  prices  among  the  merchants,  and  it  was  impos- 
sible for  the  farmer  to  deal  directly  with  the  manufacturer. 

The  leaders  of  the  Grange  movement  saw  these  difficulties 
and  began  to  provide  against  them  so  far  as  possible.  From 
the  first,  the  principle  of  cash  payments  was  enunciated,  and 
this  of  itself  marked  a  distinct  step  in  advance  for  the  farmers- 
They  also  tried  the  plan  of  concentrating  their  orders  for  the 
purpose  of  getting  more  favorable  terms.  That  the  agitation 
for  co-operation  in  buying  is  as  old  as  the  State  Grange  may  be 
seen  from  the  fact  that  at  its  organization  in  1872  the  question 
of  special  rates  on  agricultural  implements  was  taken  up  and 
discussed  at  some  length.1  Individual  granges  in  various  parts 
of  the  state  had  already  made  attempts  in  this  direction.  In 
most  cases  they  attained  a  measure  of  success,  but  owing  to  the 
influence  of  the  middlemen  with  the  manufacturers,  many  ob- 
stacles were  placed  in  the  way  and 'the  results  were  not  all 
that  could  be  desired.  When  county  granges  were  organized 
these  matters  passed  into  their  hands  and  were  usually  carried 
on  with  more  success  than  by  the  individual  grange.  County 
agents  were  chosen  who  gave  bond  for  proper  performance  of 
duty,  received  a  fixed  salary,  and  gave  their  time  to  the  work. 
The  National  Grange,  independently  of  these  more  local 
movements,  had  succeeded  in  obtaining  important  concessions 
on  condition  that  the  Grange  orders  should  be  concentrated. 
But  the  national  organization  was  unable  to  carry  out  its  part 
of  the  contract  because  it  lacked  the  power  to  control  the 
orders  of  a  single  grange.  The  principle  of  direct  dealings 
without  the  aid  of  middlemen  had,  however,  been  established 
and  when  the  state  granges  undertook  the  matter  in  a  busi- 

1  A  communication  from  a  granger  who  signs  himself  C.  C.  B.,  appearing  in  the 
Prairie  Farmer  in  May,  1872,  furnishes  additioual  evidence  on  the  same  point.  He 
says  that  although  he  entered  the  Grange  with  little  confidence  in  its  plans,  his  dis- 
trust has  been  overcome  by  its  success  in  obtaining  advantageous  rates  for  its  mem- 
bers on  agricultural  implements,  though  working  under  discouraging  circumstances. 
He  states  that  although  the  granges  in  Lee  and  Whiteside  counties  are  for  the  most 
part  less  than  a  year  old,  yet  much  had  already  been  saved  to  the  members  by 
purchasing  implements  for  cash  direct  from  the  manufacturers. 

t37i] 


40 

ness-like  way  they  found  little  difficulty  in  getting  important 
reductions.  Illinois  had  a  state  purchasing  agent  as  early  as 
1875 

The  method  followed  in  making  purchases  through  the 
state  agent  was  well  adapted  to  secure  substantial  advantages. 
In  the  first  place,  the  state  agent  was  required  to  give  a  bond 
large  enongh  to  cover  any  funds  which  he  was  likely  to  hold  at 
one  time.  The  executive  committee  had  the  power  of  raising 
this  bond  as  they  deemed  necessary.  In  this  way  the  members 
of  the  Grange  were  secured  against  loss.  The  business  with 
the  dealers  was  transacted  by  the  state  agent.  The  orders  were 
sent  to  him  as  early  in  the  year  as  possible  by  the  county  or 
district  agents,  whose  business  it  was  to  secure  them  from  the 
secretary  or  agent  of  the  sub-granges.  As  it  was  a  cardinal 
principle  with  the  Grange  that  payment  should  be  made  in 
cash,  stress  was  also  laid  on  this  feature  and  a  discount  of  ten 
per  cent,  allowed  when  cash  was  sent  with  the  order.  Receipts 
were  given  for  this  money  by  each  individual  who  handled  it. 
The  company  who  received  the  order  sent  a  receipt  to  the  state 
agent  but  shipped  the  goods  directly  to  the  individual.  Special 
rates  were  obtained  on  car-load  lots.  Large  reductions  were 
secured  by  this  system  and  ample  proof  afforded  that  the  mid- 
dlemen were  either  making  unusual  profits  or  were  conducting 
their  business  in  a  reckless  or  extravagant  manner.  In  either 
case  the  farmer  had  suffered  unnecessarily.  Reapers  for  which 
the  middleman  charged  $275.  were  secured  by  the  grangers  for 
$175.  Threshers  were  reduced  from  $300.  to  $200.,  wagons  from 
$150.  to $90.,  sewing  machines  from  $75.  and  $100.  to  $40.  and  $50., 
and  other  articles  in  like  proportion.1  Thus  for  a  few  years, 
the  members  of  the  Grange  probably  saved  at  least  33|  per  cent, 
on  such  purchases.2  The  middlemen,  like  the  railroads,  were 
unwilling  to  share  their  profits  and  tried  to  protect  themselves. 
As  long  as  they  could  prevent  the  wholesale  firms  from  dealing 

1  Special  Report  2,  Misc  .Ser.  U.  S.  Dept.  of  Agriculture 

-  Ibid.     Estimated  at  from  25  per  cent  to  50  per  cent.  Country  Gentleman,  Mar. 
2,  1875,  estimated  at  from  50  percent  1075  per  cent. 

f372] 


41 

with  the  grangers  their  task  was  comparatively  easy,  but  when 
this  failed  they  felt  obliged  to  exterminate  their  new  compet- 
itors. Accordingly  they  brought  down  prices  to  a  point  so  low 
that  many  outside  the  Grange  were  enabled  to  buy  of  their 
local  dealers  at  a  rate  lower  than  that  secured  by  the  grangers. 
They  hoped  to  weaken,  and  perhaps  destroy  the  Grange  that 
they  might  again  raise  prices.  Sometimes  they  went  so  far  as 
to  sell  at  a  loss,  and  in  some  cases  were  soon  forced  out  of  bus- 
iness. 

In  so  far  as  retail  dealers  were  forced  out  of  business  by 
freer  competition,  the  result  sustained  the  argument  of  the 
grangers  to  the  effect  that  the  middleman  was  a  dead  weight 
upon  society,  adding  nothing  to  the  value  of  the  goods  and  act- 
ing as  a  leech  upon  the  purse  of  the  producer.  But  as  a  matter 
of  fact  the  decrease  in  the  number  of  middlemen  was  by  no 
means  commensurate  with  the  complaints  filed  against  them. 
The  charges  should  be  examined  critically.  Such  statements 
as  those  of  C.  E.  Barney  at  the  State  Farmers'  Association  in 
1875,  need  to  be  taken  with  considerable  allowance.  He  said 
that  in  1873  it  cost  the  workers  in  Illinois  $29,000,000  to  sup- 
port the  professional  middlemen  and  loafers.  Now,  it  is  con- 
ceivable that  the  credit  system  may  have  been  so  hazardous  to 
the  dealer  that  this  amount  was  only  a  fair  remuneration  for 
the  work  undertaken  by  the  middlemen,  or  it  may  be  that  his 
estimate  is  exaggerated.  But  be  this  as  it  may,  there  can  be 
no  doubt  that  the  granger  movement  was  the  means  of  secur- 
ing a  large  reduction  of  prices,  besides  producing  more  health- 
ful business  conditions.  More  important  than  these  results, 
however,  was  its  effect  as  the  entering  wedge  whereby  the  pow- 
er of  the  credit  system  was  broken,  and  the  farmer  enabled  to 
free  himself  from  its  toils. 

The  venture,  so  successful  in  one  line,  was  soon  extended 
to  others.  It  seemed  to  the  farmer  that  if  agricultural  imple- 
ments could  be  bought  cheaper  by  ordering  direct  from  the 
manufacturer,  groceries,  dry  goods,  and  in  fact  all  of  his  sup- 
plies, could  be  obtained  from  the  wholesale  dealer  with  equal 

[373] 


42 

advantage.  Enterprising  business  men  were  quick  to  take  ad- 
vantage of  this  belief  and  advertised  their  firms  extensively  as 
Grange  supply  houses.  At  this  time  Montgomery  Ward's  pres- 
ent department  store  was  started  as  a  supply  store  for  grangers, 
and  in  its  early  days  its  patrons  were  chiefly  members  of  the 
order.  During  the  first  years  that  the  new  plan  of  purchase 
was  in  operation  the  amount  saved  by  grangers  on  commodi- 
ties of  all  kinds  may  be  fairly  estimated  at  no  less  than  20  per 
cent,  of  the  cost  of  their  purchases  at  previous  prices.1  As  com- 
petition reduced  prices  to  a  more  stable  scale,  the  average  sav- 
ings through  the  concentration  of  orders  and  direct  dealings  with 
the  wholesale  houses  was  probably  not  above  10%  on  the  retail 
prices,  though  there  are  many  individual  instances  after  1875 
where  grangers  claim  to  have  saved  20  per  cent,  and  even  30 
per  cent,  in  this  way. 

As  the  system  became  more  firmly  established,  both  its 
advantages  and  disadvantages  became  more  evident.  A  saving 
was  still  effected  on  some  goods,  but  on  others  which  could  not 
be  ordered  in  large  quantities  there  was  no  gain.  The  need  of 
a  central  depot  of  samples  and  repairs,  and  later  of  a  local  store, 
was  felt.  We  hear  of  many  such  stores  in  1875.  At  Woodstock, 
McHenry  county  a  grange  warehouse  for  agricultural  imple- 
ments was  established.2  In  Tazewell  county  a  grange  store  is 
reported  as  doing  a  business  of  from  $1,500  to  $2,000  a  month.3 
Rockford  had  a  sample  grange  store  for  Winnebago  county.4 
The  Shelby  county  grange  established  a  co-operative  store  with 
a  capital  of  $5,000,  divided  into  shares  of  $10  each,5  and  the  Ste- 
phenson  county  grange  incorporated  and  established  a  grange 
store.6  The  Peoria  county  Co-operative  Association  was  formed 

1  Cf.  saving  on  agricultural  implements.  The  Prairie  Farmer  of  Mar.  4,  1876 
states  that  the  patrons'  department  store  at  Dixon  had  saved  at  least  50$  to  those  in- 
terested during  the  preceding  year. 

'  Prairie  Farmer,  Mar.  13,  1875. 

8  Ibid.    July  15,  1876. 

4  Ibid.    Jan.  23,  1875. 

5  Ibid.     Mar.  20,  1875. 

« Ibid.    June  26,  1873;  Mar.  20,  1878. 

[374] 


43 

with  a  capital  stock  of  $5,000  and  with  200  stock-holders  1  Re- 
garding the  store  thus  established,  an  enthusiastic  supporter 
writes  to  the  effect  that  after  being  in  operation  four  weeks  it 
had  proved  an  unparalled  success,  and  that  a  plan  to  increase 
the  capital  stock  to  $15,000  was  under  consideration.  He  furth- 
er stated  that  the  sales  had  amounted  to  as  much  as  $375  in 
one  day.2 

There  were  various  plans  for  the  management  of  these 
stores,  but  the  one  most  successful,  and  probably  most  common, 
was  similar  to  that  known  in  England  as  the  Rochdale  system. 
The  Grange  was  of  course  incorporated  under  the  laws  of  the 
state,  and  the  necessary  officers  elected  ;  the  amount  of  the  cap- 
ital stock,  usually  $5,000.  was  fixed  and  shares  were  issued.  The 
usual  value  of  these  shares  seems  to  have  been  $10.  At  first 
the  general  manager  was  usually  a  member  of  the  Grange,  but 
later  on  outsiders  were  sometimes  hired  to  take  charge.  In 
spite  of  many  successes,  however,  the  grange  stores  were  as  a 
rule  unprofitable  in  Illinois,  although  some  prospered  for  a  time 
and  a  number  are  said  to  be  in  operation  yet.  More  often,  how- 
ever, they  have  suspended  business  entirely  and  for  the  most 
part  now  exist  only  in  the  memory  of  those  living  in  the  seven- 
ties. 

Although  the  Grange  was  far  more  successful  in  co-opera- 
tive buying  than  in  co-operative  selling,  any  discussion  of  the 
granger  movement  which  fails  to  give  some  attention  to  the 
latter  phase  would  certainly  be  incomplete.  Attempts  were 
made  to  get  special  rates  and  to  do  away  with  middlemen's 
profit.  A  granger  firm  of  commission  men  was  established  at 
the  Chicago  stock  yards,  but  soon  failed.3  In  California,  a  gi- 
gantic scheme  of  wheat  exportation  failed  because  of  poor 
management  and  opposition  from  dealers.4  In  Iowa,  especially, 
and  to  some  extent  in  other  states,  an  attempt  was  made  to  get 

1  Prairie  Farmer,  Dec.  12,  1874. 
1  Ibid. 

3  Ibid. 

4  Ibid. 

[375] 


44 

control  of  the  grain  elevators.  In  that  state  two-thirds  of  the 
grain  elevators  were  said  to  be  in  grange  hands  in  1874. 1  In 
some  parts  of  Illinois  the  plan  of  hiring  a  general  shipper  was 
tried.8 

There  were  numerous  cases  in  this  state  where  resolutions 
were  passed  by  county  and  subordinate  granges,  recommending 
that  grangers  "hold  their  hogs"  for  a  certain  length  of  time  or 
for  a  certain  price.  At  its  meeting  in  January,  1878,  the  State 
Grange  recommended  to  its  members  that  they  "hold  their 
hogs"  for  thirty  days  unless  previously  offered  $5  a  hundred  for 
dressed  pork  or  $4.25  for  live  hogs.  Whether  they  gained  their 
point  in  this  particular  case  or  not  is  a  matter  of  little  impor- 
tance. Whatever  success  they  may  have  had  in  individual 
cases  the  fact  remains  that  they  could  not  expect  to  fix  prices 
contrary  to  the  law  of  supply  and  demand.  Unable  to  control 
the  demand  and  failing  to  limit  the  supply  permanently,  their 
efforts  soon  ceased,  though  not  before  charges  of  dishonesty 
were  made  against  grange  agents  who  handled  the  funds. 

The  co-operative  measures  of  the  Grange,  however,  were 
not  confined  to  the  buying  and  selling  of  goods.  They  also 
attempted  to  apply  the  principle  to  insurance.  There  was  just 
cause  for  dissatisfaction,  in  these  early  days,  with  the  prevail- 
ing methods  of  insurance.  Frauds  were  by  no  means  unusual, 
and  much  difficulty  was  experienced  by  policy  holders  in  mak- 
ing collections  in  case  of  loss.  An  intimation  of  the  feeling 
may  be  found  in  the  statement  in  the  Prairie  Farmer  that  the 
Grange  "has  made  necessary  life  insurance  associations  on  some 
plan  that  will  keep  the  officers  out  of  the  penitentiary  and  the 
patrons  out  of  the  poor-house".  Mutual  companies  for  both 
property  and  life  insurance  were  .organized  in  various  localities. 
Property  insurance  was  much  the  more  common.  The  majority 
of  the  companies  were  established  on  the  township  plan,  though 
many  preferred  a  more  extensive  organization,  even  at  the 

1  Popular  Science  monthly  32:371. 

2  Country  Gentleman,  1872,  p.  804,  speaks  of  a  general  shipper  in  Illinois  who  re- 
ceived a  remuneration  of  %c.  a  bushel  on  grain  handled. 

[376J 


45 

start,  and  as  time  passed  the  larger  companies  grew  in  favor 
and  were  not  always  confined  within  township  or  even  county 
lines.  In  1875  blanks  were  provided  by  the  State  Grange  to 
facilitate  the  organization  of  mutual  fire  insurance  companies, 
and  in  1876  the  Grange  resolved  to  push  the  idea  of  the  Patrons' 
Aid  Society  or  Life  Insurance  for  the  Grange,  so  that  insurance 
might  be  had  at  actual  cost.1  In  this  enterprise  as  in  all  others 
they  met  with  obstacles.  In  Macon  county  a  "traveling  bum- 
mer"2 had  succeeded  in  swindling  some  credulous  ones  through 
the  organization  of  "boards  of  life  insurance."  Then,  too,  the 
farmers  lacked  experience,  and  hence  many  companies  were 
poorly  managed.  But  in  spite  of  all  difficulties  the  plan  was 
particularly  successful  even  at  the  time,  and  in  later  years  has 
been  more  fully  developed. 

6.     Fraternal,  Social  and  Educational  Features. 

When  the  Grange  was  first  organized,  three  lines  of  activity 
were  emphasized, — social,  educational  and  business.  Education 
was  the  slogan.  The  evils  to  which  the  farmer  was  subjected 
were  attributed  to  ignorance.  It  was  asserted  that  the  railroads 
would  not  impose  on  the  farmer  if  he  had  a  better  knowledge  of 
business  methods,  neither  would  the  middlemen  and  the  politi- 
cians be  able  to  take  advantage  of  him  so  easily  if  he  were  bet- 
ter informed.  The  farmer's  isolation  kept  him  from  enjoying 
the  benefits  of  social  intercourse,  and  the  social  side  of  his  na- 
ture needed  development  in  order  to  give  him  confidence  in 
dealing  with  others.  To  assist  in  bringing  about  these  results 
a  program  was  to  be  given  in  every  subordinate  grange  meet- 
ing— recitations,  songs,  and  discussions  of  various  topics  of  in- 
terest to  the  farmer.  Without  some  opportunity  of  coming 
together  such  as  was  afforded  by  the  Grange,  the  farmer  would 
not  realize  the  meaning  of  current  events.  His  daily  round  of 
toil  discouraged  rather  than  stimulated  efforts  to  keep  well  in- 

1  Prairie  Farmer,  July  15,  1876. 
» Ibid,  Mar.  i,  1843. 

[377] 


46, 

formed,  and  unless  there  was  something  to  spur  him  on  he 
would  not  make  the  necessary  effort.  He  had  been  led  to  be- 
lieve that  education  and  farming,  like  oil  and  water,  would  not 
mix  ;  that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  use  the  educational 
advantages  within  reach  of  others.  It  was  within  the  sphere 
of  the  Grange  to  teach  the  farmer  that  all  kinds  of  education 
are  open  to  him,  that  it  is  worth  his  while  to  make  the  effort 
necessary  to  acquire  information  and  to  learn  how  to  use  it. 
For  this  purpose  the  National  Grange  instituted  its  system  of 
crop  reports,  published  and  sent  out  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
tracts  among  the  farmers  and  urged  the  need  of  keeping  up 
with  the  times.  For  the  same  purpose  the  State  Grange  sent 
out  deputies  and  lecturers,  who  were  expected  to  disseminate 
information  on  agricultural  topics.  The  subordinate  grange 
paid  the  bills  and  its  members  were  supposed  to  reap  the  bene- 
fits. The  effect  of  these  efforts  was  noticeable.  In  some  cases, 
perhaps  extreme,  though  mentioned  quite  frequently  in  the 
literature  of  the  time,  this  campaign  of  education,  combined 
with  a  freer  social  intercourse,  developed  among  grangers  a 
higher  respect  for  one  another's  opinions  and  a  more  careful 
attention  to  their  own  personal  appearance,  both  in  dress  and 
action.  One  pastor  wrote  of  the  remarkable  change  in  the 
"walk  and  conversation  of  his  flock",  and  attributed  it  to  the 
organization  of  a  grange  among  them.  Frequently  there  was 
an  increased  demand  for  books  and  oftentimes  grange  libraries 
were  established.  A  grange  was  organized  in  one  community 
where  previously  but  one  newspaper  had  been  taken  and  as  a 
result  the  number  of  subscriptions  soon  increased  to  thirty.1 
Thus  there  is  abundant  evidence  to  show  that  the  Grange 
increased  the  desire  for  knowledge  and  aided  in  its  dissemina- 
tion. But  not  only  did  the  farmers  read  more ;  they  also  did 
more  writing  for  the  papers,  either  to  ask  questions  of  their 
own  or  to  reply  to  the  questions  of  others.  In  this  wTay  the 
movement  for  farmers'  institutes  was  greatly  advanced,  per- 
haps originated.  The  ambition  to  write  for  the  papers  was  still 

1  Special  Report  2  p.  60. 

[378] 


47 

further  stimulated  by  some  of  the  agricultural  papers,  which 
offered  prizes  for  the  best  essays  written  by  school  children 
under  a  certain  age,  on  some  specified  subject,  usually  related 
to  the  Grange. 

For  a  few  years,  while  the  "war"  upon  the  railroads  and 
middlemen  was  at  its  height,  the  educational  development  of 
the  order  was  arrested  or,  at  least,  overshadowed.  But  as  the 
Grange  grew  older  and  the  so-called  "explosion  of  wrath"  had 
spent  its  force,  the  attention  of  the  members  became  confined 
more  and  more  to  the  social  and  educational  features  set  forth 
in  its  constitution.  As  already  pointed  out,  its  business  activ- 
ity has  continued  to  the  present,  but  occupies  a  much  smaller 
share  of  its  attention  than  formerly.  It  should  not  be  under- 
stood, however,  that  the  Grange  has  entirely  ceased  to  exert 
political  influence  in  the  broad  sense  of  the  term  ;  but  so  far 
as  aggressive  action  along  partisan  lines  is  concerned,  it  may 
fairly  be  said  to  be  out  of  politics. 

In  the  early  seventies,  the  Grange,  like  other  agricultural 
societies,  took  much  interest  in  county  fairs.  About  the  same 
time  picnics  came  into  much  favor.  They  were  planned  with 
as  much  enthusiasm  and  carried  out  with  as  much  energy  as 
other  granger  undertakings,  but  in  only  two  years,  1872  and 
1873,  did  they  assume  much  importance.  Like  other  projects 
of  the  Grange,  they  failed  to  satisfy  its  members,  many  of  whom 
were  feverishly  seeking  impossible  results  and  hence  were  des- 
tined to  disappointment. 

However,  such  agencies  as  picnics  and  county  fairs  fostered 
the  spirit  of  fraternity  among  the  members  of  the  order.  This 
was  shown  in  the  winter  of  1874-75  when  the  poor  crops  of  the 
preceding  harvest  had  brought  suffering  to  Kansas  and  other 
states  west  of  the  Mississippi.  The  grangers  of  Kansas  took  the 
matter  in  hand  and  established  a  system  of  organized  relief. 
Members  in  other  states  gave  their  assistance  in  the  work.  Illi- 
nois was  active  in  the  work  and  accomplished  much  in  relief 
of  suffering.  It  is  worth  while  to  note  that  assistance  given  by 
grangers  was  not  limited  to  members  of  the  order  but  was  ex. 

[379! 


48 

tended  to  any  who  were  in  actual  want.  It  is  true  that  other 
organizations  and  individuals  contributed  toward  relieving  the 
same  needs  ;  but  the  grangers  deserve  credit  for  initiating  the 
movement. 

7.     The  Grange  and  Subsequent  Organizations. 

There  is  little  difficulty  in  tracing  the  relation  between  the 
different  organizations  mentioned  in  this  paper.  They  existed 
about  the  same  time,  were  made  necessary  by  the  same  condi- 
tions, and  were  striving  for  much  the  same  ends.1  There  was 
much  rivalry  among  them,  amounting,  in  the  case  of  clubs  and 
granges,  almost  to  open  hostility.2  There  seems  to  be  a  con- 
nection also  between  the  movement  toward  organization  at 
this  time  and  the  movements  which  have  occurred  among 
farmers  since  that  time.  There  is  difficulty  in  determining 
how  much  the  later  movements  were  affected  by  the  earlier 
ones,  but  a  careful  analysis  brings  out  many  points  of  similarity. 
In  the  membership  of  the  grange  it  is  easy  to  recognize  two  gen- 
eral classes,  the  conservative  and  the  radical.  The  conserva- 
tive element,  relatively  smaller  in  number,  comprised  many  of 
the  most  progressive  farmers  of  the  country.  It  might  perhaps, 
be  said  to  represent  fairly  the  best  element  among  the  farming 
population,  who  after  thoughtful  consideration  had  come  to 
the  conclusion  that  much  might  be  gained  through  organiza- 
tion, and  for  that  reason  had  joined  the  order.  The  radical 
wing  was  made  up  from  the  chronically  dissatisfied  element 
among  the  farming  classes.  Their  ideas  regarding  reforms 
were  more  or  less  hazy  and  they  were  ready  to  cast  in  their  lot 
with  any  new  movement  which  created  a  stir.  It  was  their 
function  to  call  attention  to  existing  evils  rather  than  to  re- 
form them,  for  they  were  incapable  of  following  one  idea  con- 

1  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  as  early  as  1874  an  organization  known  as  Sover- 
eigns of  Industry  had  been  formed  among  mechanics  and  laborers,  especially  in  the 
New  England  states,  upon  a  plan  very  similar  to,  and  probably  copied  from,  the  Pa- 
trons of  Husbandry. 

8  See  report  of  Secretary  S.  M.  Smith  at  the  State  Farmers'  Association,  1873. 


49 

sistently  for  any  length  of  time.  Thus  after  a  few  years  of  ac- 
tivity in  the  grange  they  became  discontented.  The  ideal  state 
of  their  imagination  was  not  immediately  reached.  They  de- 
serted the  grange.  Other  organizations,  such  as  the  Farmers' 
Alliance  and  the  Farmers'  Mutual  Benefit  Association,  came 
into  prominence  and  absorbed  the  energies  of  the  radicals.  But 
just  as  before,  the  radical,  discontented  element  soon  left  the 
ranks.  Had  there  been  the  same  need  in  the  country,  these 
organizations  might- have  made  themselves  felt  as  strongly  as 
did  the  Grange  in  its  palmiest  days.  Without  discussing  the 
actual  accomplishments  of  these  organizations  it  will  be  suffi- 
cient to  note  that  their  influence  is  now  an  unimportant  factor. 
They,  too,  failed  to  realize  the  ideals  of  many  of  their  partisans, 
and  their  membership  decreased.  The  Populist  movement  also, 
though  too  recent  to  admit  of  unbiased  discussion,  seems  to 
bear  a  close  resemblance  to  the  Grange  in  many  features,  es- 
pecially in  its  anti-monopolistic  sentiments. 

8.     Estimate  of   The  Grange. 

Much  has  already  been  said  regarding  the  differences  in 
the  character  and  policy  of  the  Grange  at  different  periods  of 
its  history.  In  the  seventies  it  had  a  mushroom  growth,  and 
was  characterized  by  a  feverish  activity  in  supporting  princi- 
ples somewhat  vague,  but  in  general  seeking  reform  through 
legislation.  This  period  was  followed  by  a  reaction  and  a  strik- 
ing decrease  in  membership.  Since  1880  there  has  been  a  re- 
vival, and  the  Grange,  with  a  gradually  increasing  membership 
has  been  able  to  pursue  a  well-defined  policy,  emphasizing  the 
need  of  education  and  the  necessity  for  self-improvement.  The 
granger  movement  has  been  frequently  misunderstood,  and  it 
is  difficult  even  yet  to  form  a  just  estimate  of  it.  It  is  true 
that  many  actions  of  the  Grange  will  not  bear  a  close  scrutiny. 
Some  of  the  first  laws  passed  during  their  period  of  greatest 
legislative  influence,  were  unjust  to  other  classes.  But  on  the 
other  hand  they  accomplished  much  good.  The  objectionable 

[381] 


50 

features  of  the  laws  were  soon  removed  and  the  advantages 
made  permanent.  The  attention  of  the  people  was  called  to 
railroad  abuses  and  their  ingenuity  directed  toward  the  discov- 
ery of  a  remedy.  The  state  railway  commissions  established 
in  some  of  the  states  by  the  grangers  paved  the  way  for  the 
Inter-State  Commerce  Commission.  Aside  from  all  this  the 
political  influence  of  the  farmer  has  improved  in  almost  every 
particular  since  the  organization  of  the  Grange.  It  is  impossi- 
ble to  determine  just  how  much  of  this  improvement  is  due  to 
the  Grange,  but  it  would  be  manifestly  unfair  to  say  that  improve- 
ment would  have  come  without  the  aid  of  the  Grange  and  that 
the  granger  movement  had  no  real  value.  Indeed,  when  we 
recall  its  many  lines  of  activity,  its  energy,  its  determination, 
its  power  of  concentration,  its  enthusiasm,  the  ability  of  its  lead- 
ers, and  its  widespread  organization,  there  need  be  no  hesita- 
tion in  affirming  that  no  small  share  of  the  political,  social  and 
industrial  progress  of  the  farmer  in  Illinois  may  be  traced  to 
the  Grange. 


[382] 


51 


LIST  OF  REFERENCES 

I.    Primary  Sources- 

List  of  subordinate  granges  in  the  state  of  Illinois  after  March  15,  1874. 

Constitution  and  by-laws  of  the  Sangamon  county  council. 

Constitution  of  Illinois  State  Grange. 

Constitution  of  the  National  Grange. 

Proceedings  of  the  Illinois  Farmers'  convention,  Bloomington,  Illinois,  January 
15  and  16,  1873. 

Proceedings  of  the  annual  meetings  of  the  Illinois  state  Farmers'  Association  1873, 
1874,  1875. 

Journal  of  proceedings  of  the  Illinois  State  Grange  1875,  1878,  1879,  1898,  1899. 

Journal  of  proceedings  of  the  National  Grange  1897,  1898,  1899. 

Transactions  of  the  Illinois  Department  of  Agriculture,  1872.  (Reports  for  other 
years  and  from  other  states  bear  on  subject  indirectly) 

Reports  of  Illinois  R.  R.  &  W.  Commissioners  1872-1877. 

Report  of  committee  on  inter-state  commerce,  49th  Congress,  1st  session — serial 
numbers  2356  and  2357. 

Constitution  of  Illinois  (1870) 

Statutes  of  Illinois,  1873. 

Public  laws  of  Illinois  1871,  1872. 

Revised  statutes  of  Illinois  1874. 

Revised  statutes  of  Illinois  1895. 

67  111.  Reports. 

94  U.  S.  Reports. 

Starr  &  Curtis'  Annotated  Statutes  of  Illinois. 

Bulletin  No.  16,  Miscellaneous  series,  Division  of  Statistics,  U.  S.  Department  of 
Agriculture — changes  in  the  rate  of  charge  for  railway  and  other  transportation  services. 

Special  report  2,  Miscellaneous  series,  U.  S.  Department  of  Agriculture — Proceed- 
ings of  a  convention  of  agriculturalists  held  at  the  department  of  Agriculture,  January 
23-29,  1883. 

Country  Gentleman  1869-1875. 

Michigan  Farmer  1873. 

Western  Rural,  1869. 

Prairie  Farmer,  1869-1878. 

II.     Secondary  Sources. 

ADAMS,  EDWARD  F. 

"  The  Granger  Morality,"  Nation  19:234. 
"The  Modern  Farmer." 

[383] 


52 

ADAMS,  C.  F.  JR. 

"Railroads  ;  Their  Origin  and  Problems. 

"The  Granger  Movement,"  No.  Am.  Rev.,  120:394-424. 
ALEXANDER,  E.  PORTER. 

"Railway  Practice." 
ALTGELD,  JOHN  P. 

"Live  Questions." 
ATKINSON,  EDWARD. 

"Margin  of  Profits  and  Distribution  of  Products." 

"The  Railroad  and  the  Farmer." 
BAKER, 

"Monopoly." 
CLOUD,  D.  C. 

"Monopolies  and  the  People." 
COOK,  W.  W. 

'  'Corporation  Problems. ' ' 
DABNEY,  W.  D. 

"The  Public  Regulation  of  Railways." 
DIXON,  F.  H. 

"State  Railroad  Control,  with  a  History  of  Its  Development  in  Iowa." 

"Railroad  Control  in  Nebraska,"  Pol.  Sci.  Quar.,  13:617-647. 
ELY,  RICHARD  T. 

"The  Labor  Movement  in  America." 
GROSVENOR,  W.  M. 

"Monopolies"   (Letter  with  additional  comment. )     Nation,  18:393. 
HADLEY,  A.  T. 

"Railroad  Transportation  ;  Its  History  and  Its  Laws." 
HAMMOND,  M.  B. 

"The  Cotton  Industry  in  the  United  States." 
HOLE,  JAMES. 

"National  Railways." 
HUDSON,  J.  F. 

"The  Railroads  and  the  Republic." 
JEANS,  J.  S. 

"Railroad  Problems." 
LARRABEE,  WM. 

"The  Railroad  Question." 
LLOYD,  HENRY  D. 

"Wealth  Against  Commonwealth." 
MARTIN,  E.  W. 

"History  of  the  Granger  Movement." 
PERIAM,  JONATHAN. 

"The  Ground  Swell." 
PIERSON,  CHAS.  W. 

"Rise  of  the  Granger  Movement,"  Pop.  Sci.  Mo.,  32:199. 

"Outcome  of  the  Granger  Movement,"  Pop.  Sci.  Mo.,  32:368. 

[384] 


53 

WELLS,  D.  A. 

"How  Will    the  United  States  Supreme  Court  Decide  the  Granger  Railroad 

Cases?"     Nation,  19:382. 

Nation    16:249,  "Farmers'  Clubs  and  the  Railroads." 
329,  "The  Latest  Reform  Movement." 
381,  "The  Causes  of  the  Farmers'  Discontent." 
17:  36,   "The  Latest  Device  for  fixing  Rates  of  Transportation." 
68,   "Another  Aspect  of  the  Farmers'  Movement." 
140,   "Agricultural  Exposition  of  Corporate  Law." 
156,   "The  Next  Descent  Upon  The  Treasury." 
237,   "The  Watered  Stock  Hallucination." 
285,   "The  Railway  Mystery." 
18:  55,  "The  Farmers'  Future." 

294,   "The  Cheap  Transportation  Report." 
19:  36.   "The  Granger  Method  of  Reform." 

121,   "The  Wisconsin  Method  of  Railroad  Reform." 
199,  "The  Right  to  Confiscate." 
231,  "Potter  and  His  Law." 
21:189,  "The  Last  Railroad  Grievance." 
22:  57,  "The Granger  Collapse." 
24 :143,  '  'The  Granger  Decisions. ' ' 
27:  37,   "The  Granger  Theory  Applied  to  Grangers." 
International  Review,  3:50,   "Retrospective  Legislation  and   Grangerism." 


[385] 


NUMBERS  OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  STUDIES  PREVIOUSLY 

ISSUED 

[Address  all  communications  concerning  the  Studies  to  Editor,  University  Studies, 
305  University  Hall,  Urbana,  111.] 

Vol.  1.,  No.  1.     Abraham  Lincoln  :    The  Evolution  of  his  Literary  Style.    By  Pro- 
fessor D.  K.  Dodge,  Ph.D. 
No.  2.    The  Decline  of  the  Commerce  of  the  Port  of  New  York.     By  Mr. 

Richard  Price  Morgan. 

No.  3.     A  Statistical  Study  of  Illinois  High  Schools.  By  Mr.  F.  G.  Bonser,  M.S. 
No.  4.    The  Genesis  of  the  Grand  Remonstrance  from  Parliament  to  King 

Charles  I.     By  Henry  Lawrence  Schoolcraft,  Ph.D. 
No.  5.    The  Artificial  Method  for  Determining  the  Ease  and  the  Rapidity  of 

the  Digestion  of  Meats.     By  Harry  Sands  Grindley,   Sc.D.,'and 

Timothy  Mojonnier,  M.S. 
No.  6.     Illinois  Railway  Legislation  and  Commission  Control  since  1870.    By 

Joseph  Hinckley  Gordon,  A.  M.     Introduction  by  Professor  M.  B. 

Hammond,  Ph.  D. 

No.  7.     The  Coals  of  Illinois  ;  Their  Composition  and  Analysis.      By  S.  W. 
Parr.  M.  S. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS-URBANA 


THE  GRANGER  MOVEMENT  IN  ILLINOIS  URBANA 


